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American Left

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Title: American Left  
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Subject: Socialist Labor Party of America, Eugene V. Debs, World Socialist Party of the United States, Socialist Alternative (United States), Socialism in the United States
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American Left

This article is part of a series on the
politics and government of
the United States

The American Left consists of individuals and groups, including socialists, communists, and anarchists, that have sought fundamental change in the economic, political, and cultural institutions of the United States.[1] Although left-wing ideologies came to the United States in the 19th century, there are no major left-wing political parties in the US.[2] As a result, Americans frequently use the term "left-wing" to refer to radicalism or even liberalism.


Origins: 1848–1919

The first American socialists were German [4]

In 1866, [5]

A larger wave of German immigrants followed in the 1870s and 1880s, which included social democratic followers of Ferdinand Lasalle. Lasalle believed that state aid through political action was the road to revolution and was opposed to trade unionism which he saw as futile, believing that according to the Iron Law of Wages employers would only pay subsistence wages. The Lasalleans formed the Social Democratic Party of North America in 1874 and both Marxists and Lasalleans formed the Workingmen's Party of the United States in 1876. When the Lasalleans gained control in 1877, they changed the name to the Socialist Labor Party of North America (SLP). However many socialists abandoned political action altogether and moved to trade unionism. Two former socialists, Adolph Strasser and Samuel Gompers, formed the American Federation of Labor (AFL) in 1886.[3]

Anarchists split from the Socialist Labor Party to form the Revolutionary Socialist Party in 1881. By 1885 they had 7,000 members, double the membership of the SLP.[6] They were inspired by the International Anarchist Congress of 1881 in London. There were two federations in the United States that pledged adherence to the International. A convention of immigrant anarchists in Chicago formed the International Working People's Association (Black International), while a group of native Americans in San Francisco formed the International Workingmen's Association (Red International).[7] Following a violent demonstration at Haymarket in Chicago in 1886, public opinion turned against anarchism. While very little violence could be attributed to anarchists, the attempted murder of a financier by an anarchist in 1892 and the 1901 assassination of the American president, William McKinley, by a professed anarchist led to the ending of political asylum for anarchists in 1903.[8] In 1919, following the Palmer raids, anarchists were imprisoned and many, including Emma Goldman and Alexander Berkman, were deported. Yet anarchism again reached great public notice with the trial of the anarchists Sacco and Vanzetti, who would be executed in 1927.[9]

American Railway Union formed the rival Social Democratic Party in 1898. Members of the SLP, led by Morris Hillquit and opposed to the De Leon's domineering personal rule and his anti-AFL trade union policy joined with the Social Democrats to form the Socialist Party of America (SPA).

In 1905 a convention of socialists, anarchists and trade unionists upset with the bureaucracy and craft unionism of the AFL, set up the rival Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), led by such figures as William D. "Big Bill" Haywood, De Leon and Debs.[10]

The organizers of the IWW disagreed on the road to socialism, whether it would be achieved through political or industrial action. Debs left the IWW in 1906 while De Leon was expelled in 1908. The IWW became committed to ideas similar to [12]

The SPA was divided between reformers who believed that socialism could be achieved through gradual reform of capitalism and revolutionaries who thought that socialism could only develop after capitalism was overthrown, but the party steered a center path between the two.[13] The SPA achieved the peak of its success by 1912, when its presidential candidate received 5.9% of the popular vote. The first Socialist congressman, Victor Berger, had been elected in 1910. By the beginning of 1912, there were 1,039 Socialist officeholders, including 56 mayors, 305 aldermen and councilmen, 22 police officials, and some state legislators. Milwaukee, Berkeley, Butte, Schenectady, and Flint were run by Socialists. A Socialist challenger to Gompers took one third of the vote in a challenge for leadership of the AFL. The SPA had 5 English and 8 foreign-language daily newspapers, 262 English and 36 foreign-language weeklies, and 10 English and 2 foreign-language monthlies.[14]

American entry into the First World War in 1917 led to a patriotic hysteria aimed against Germans, immigrants, African Americans, class-conscious workers, and Socialists, and the ensuing Espionage Act and Sedition Act were used against them. The government harassed Socialist newspapers, the post office denied the SP use of the mails, and antiwar militants were arrested. Soon Debs and more than sixty IWW leaders were charged under the acts.[15]


In 1919, Trade Union Unity League to compete with the AFL and claimed to represent 50,000 workers.[17]

In 1928, following divisions inside the Soviet Union, Jay Lovestone, who had replaced Ruthenberg as general secretary of the CPUSA following his death, joined with William Z. Foster to expel Foster's former allies, James P. Cannon and Max Shachtman, who were followers of Leon Trotsky. Following another Soviet factional dispute, Lovestone and Gitlow were expelled, and Earl Browder became party leader.[18]

Cannon, Shachtman, and Martin Abern then set up the Trotskyist Communist League of America, and recruited members from the CPUSA.[19] The League then merged with A. J. Muste's American Workers Party in 1934, forming the Workers Party. New members included James Burnham and Sidney Hook.[20]

By the 1930s the Socialist Party was deeply divided between an Old Guard, led by Hillquit, and younger Militants, who were more sympathetic to the Soviet Union, led by Norman Thomas. The Old Guard left the party to form the Social Democratic Federation.[21] Following talks between the Workers Party and the Socialists, members of the Workers Party joined the Socialists in 1936.[22] Once inside they operated as a separate faction.[23] The Trotskyists were expelled from the Socialist Party the following year, and set up the Socialist Workers Party (SWP) and the youth wing of the Socialists, the Young People's Socialist League (YPSL) joined them.[24] Shachtman and others were expelled from the SWP in 1940 over their position on the Soviet Union and set up the Workers Party. Within months many members of the new party, including Burnham, had left.[25] The Workers Party was renamed the Independent Socialist League (ISL) in 1949 and ceased being a political party.[26]

Some members of the Old Guard formed the Liberal Party of New York.[27] In the 1936, 1940 and 1944 elections the ALP received 274,000, 417,000, and 496,000 votes in New York State, while the Liberals received 329,000 votes in 1944.[28]

1950s and 1960s: Civil Rights, the War on Poverty, and the New Left

In 1958 the Socialist Party welcomed former members of the Independent Socialist League, which before its 1956 dissolution had been led by Max Shachtman. Shachtman had developed a Marxist critique of Soviet communism as "bureaucratic collectivism", a new form of class society that was more oppressive than any form of capitalism. Shachtman's theory was similar to that of many dissidents and refugees from Communism, such as the theory of the "New Class" proposed by Yugoslavian dissident Milovan Đilas (Djilas).[29] Shachtman's ISL had attracted youth like Irving Howe, Michael Harrington,[30] Tom Kahn, and Rachelle Horowitz.[31][32][33] The YPSL was dissolved, but the party formed a new youth group under the same name.[34]

Picture of A. Philip Randolph.
Socialist A. Philip Randolph led the 1963 March on Washington at which Martin Luther King, Jr. delivered his speech "I have a dream".

Kahn and Horowitz, along with 1963 March on Washington, where Martin Luther King delivered his I Have A Dream speech.[35][36][37][38]

Michael Harrington soon became the most visible socialist in the United States when his The Other America became a best seller, following a long and laudatory New Yorker review by Dwight Macdonald.[39] Harrington and other socialists were called to Washington, D.C., to assist the Kennedy Administration and then the Johnson Administration's War on Poverty and Great Society.[40]

Shachtman, social-liberal" or social-democratic positions, at least on civil rights and the War on Poverty.[41][42]

Harrington, Kahn, and Horowitz were officers and staff-persons of the [48] Afterwords, Marxism Leninism, particularly the Progressive Labor Party, helped to write "the death sentence" for SDS,[49][50][51][52] which nonetheless had over 100 thousand members at its peak.

In the 1960s there was a renewed interest in anarchism, and some anarchist and other left-wing groups developed out of the affinity groups during anti-nuclear campaigns in the 1970s.


In 1972, the Socialist Party voted to rename itself as [54] The same year, David McReynolds and others from the pacifist and immediate-withdrawal wing of the former Socialist Party formed the Socialist Party, USA.[55]

When the SPA became SDUSA,[53] the majority had 22 of 33 votes on the (January 1973) national committee of SDUSA. Two minority caucuses of SDUSA became associated with two other socialist organizations, each of which was founded later in 1973. Many members of Michael Harrington's ("Coalition") caucus, with 8 of 33 seats on the 1973 SDUSA national committee,[56] joined Harrington's DSOC. Many members of the Debs caucus, with 2 of 33 seats on SDUSA's 1973 national committee,[56] joined the Socialist Party of the United States (SPUSA).

1980s and 1990s

From 1979–1989, SDUSA members like AFL–CIO's fundraising of 300 thousand dollars, which bought printing presses and other supplies requested by Solidarnosc (Solidarity), the independent labor-union of Poland.[57][58][59] SDUSA members helped form a bipartisan coalition (of the Democratic and Republican Parties) to support the founding of the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), whose first President was Carl Gershman. The NED publicly allocated 4 million USD of public aid to Solidarity through 1989.[60][61]

In the 1990s, anarchists attempted to organize across North America around [62]

Explanations for weakness

Academic scholars have long studied the reasons why no viable socialist parties have emerged in the United States.[63] Some writers ascribe this to the failures of socialist organization and leadership, some to the incompatibility of socialism and American values, and others to the limitations imposed by the American Constitution.[64] Lenin and Trotsky were particularly concerned because it challenged core Marxist beliefs, that the most advanced industrial country would provide a model for the future of less developed nations. If socialism represented the future, then it should be strongest in the United States.[65]

Although Working Men's Parties were founded in the 1820s and 1830s in the United States, they advocated equality of opportunity, universal education and improved working conditions, not socialism, collective ownership or equality of outcome, and disappeared after their goals were taken up by Jacksonian democracy. Gompers, the leader of the AFL thought that workers must rely on themselves because any rights provided by government could be revoked.[66] Economic unrest in the 1890s was represented by populism. Although it used anti-capitalist rhetoric, it represented the views of small farmers who wanted to protect their own private property, not a call for collectivism, socialism, or communism.[67] Progressives in the early 20th century criticized the way capitalism had developed but were essentially middle class and reformist. However both populism and progressivism steered some people to left-wing politics. Many popular writers of the progressive period were in fact left-wing.[68] But even the New Left relied on radical democratic traditions rather than left-wing ideology.[69]

Engels thought that the lack of a feudal past was the reason for the American working class holding middle-class values. Writing at a time when American industry was developing quickly towards the mass-production system known as Fordism, Max Weber and Antonio Gramsci saw individualism and laissez-faire liberalism as core shared American beliefs. According to the historian David DeLeon, American radicalism, unlike social democracy, Fabianism, and communism, was rooted in libertarianism and syndicalism and opposed to centralized power and collectivism.[70]

The character of the American political system, which is hostile toward third parties has also been presented as a reason for the absence of a strong socialist party in the United States.[71]

Marxist advocates of communism

Marxist groups have differed according to their visions of communism and their strategies for achieving socialism.

Communist Party USA

Established in 1919, the Communist Party USA (CP) claimed a membership of 100,000 in 1939 and maintained a membership over 50,000 until the 1950s. However, the 1956 invasion of Hungary, McCarthyism and investigations by the House Unamerican Activities Committee (HUAC) contributed to its steady decline despite a brief increase in membership from the mid-1960s. Its estimated membership in 1996 was between 4,000 and 5,000.[72] From the 1940s the FBI attempted to disrupt the CP, including through its Counter‐Intelligence Program (COINTELPRO).[73]

Several [75] However, CP attempts to influence the New Left were mostly unsuccessful.[76] The CP attracted media attention in the 1970s with the membership of the high profile activist, Angela Davis.[77]

The CP publishes the People's World and Political Affairs. Beginning 1988, the CP stopped running candidates for President of the United States.[78] After the fall of the Soviet Union in 1989, it was found that the Soviet Union had provided funding to the CP throughout its history. The CP had always supported the positions of the Soviet Union.[79]

Because of the continued slip into an ideology of social-democracy that began after the death of CPUSA National Chair Gus Hall, dissident groups began to form around the country that were opposed to the increased pro-capitalist policies of the CPUSA National Committee. There was a fear among members that the CP was on the road to liquidation as a political party. There were several telltale signs that this was happening. The new National Chairman of the CP, Sam Webb began exploring ways to fund the party which suffered a great loss of financial assistance when Mikail Gorbachev assumed leadership of the CP of the Soviet Union. The party began to invest in real estate around the country and used party funds to refurbish its headquarters in New York. The CP leased out several floors of their headquarters to local businesses such as Wix, a website design company. They also leased out the first floor to an art supply company, closing the bookshop of International Publishers, the CP publishing company. Currently, there are no CP bookstores around the country. The CP then made the decision not to print its weekly newspaper, the People's Weekly World. The paper is only available on line as of this date. The party's online theoretical journal, Political Affairs, was also discontinued. Currently the CP does not have an organizing department. Dues books have been continued. Everything "Leninist" has been dropped from the policy and program of the party. In its place is an incoherent policy of social-democracy that blindly supports the Democratic party of the United States and the foreign policy of the AFL-CIO. No attempt has been made to establish ties with the World Federation of Trade Unions(WFTU)which is the largest socialist-communist trade union federation in the world.

At its 30th Convention in June 2014, the CPUSA officially dropped Marxism-Leninism from its revised Constitution.[80] While the group continues to uphold Marx, Engels and Lenin in its constitution, its official ideology is now scientific socialism.

Socialist Labor Party

Founded in 1876, the Socialist Labor Party (SLP) was a reformist party but adopted the theories of Karl Marx and Daniel De Leon in 1900, leading to the defection of reformers to the new Socialist Party of America (SPA). It contested elections, including every election for President of the United States from 1892 to 1976. Some of its prominent members included Jack London and James Connolly. By 2009 it had lost its premises and ceased publishing its newspaper, The People.[81]

In 1970, a group of dissidents left the SLP to form Socialist Reconstruction. Socialist Reconstruction then expelled some of its dissidents, who formed the Socialist Forum Group.[82]

Marxist-Leninist advocates of communism

Marxist–Leninism has been advocated and practiced by communists of many kinds, including pro-Soviet, Trotskyist, Maoist, or independent.[83]

Freedom Road Socialist Organization

The New Communist Movement. The FRSO grew out of an initial merger of the Proletarian Unity League and the Revolutionary Workers Headquarters. Some years later, the Organization for Revolutionary Unity and the Amilcar Cabral/Paul Robeson Collective merged into the FRSO.

In 1999, the FRSO split into two organizations, both of which retain the FRSO name to this day. The split primarily concerned the organization's continued adherence to Marxism-Leninism, with one side of the FRSO upholding Marxism-Leninism and the other side preferring to pursue a strategy of regrouping and rebuilding the Left in the United States. These organizations are commonly identified through their publications, which are Fight Back! News and Freedom Road, and their websites, ( and (, respectively.

In 2010, members of the FRSO ( and other anti-war and international solidarity activists were raided by the FBI. Secret documents left by the FBI revealed that agents planned to question activists about their involvement in the FRSO ( and their international solidarity work related to Colombia and Palestine.[84] The FRSO ( works in the Committee to Stop FBI Repression.

Both FRSO groups continue to uphold the right of national self-determination for African-Americans and Chicanos. The FRSO ( works in the labor movement, the student movement, and the oppressed nationalities movement.

Party for Socialism and Liberation

The Act Now to Stop War and End Racism (A.N.S.W.E.R.) at the time of the split.[85]

Following the 2010 [86]

Progressive Labor Party

The [87] Its major publications are Progressive Labor and the Marxist-Leninist Quarterly.[88] They later abandoned Maoism, refusing to follow the line of any foreign country and formed the front group, the International Committee Against Racism (InCAR), in 1973. Much of their activity included violent confrontations against far right groups, such as Nazis and Klansmen.[89] While membership in 1978 was about 1,500, by 1996 it had fallen below 500.[90]

Revolutionary Communist Party

Formed in 1969 as the Bay Area Revolutionary Union (BARU), the Progressive Labor Party. The party has been unwaveringly Maoist.[91] Working through the U.S.-Chinese People's Friendship Association, the party arranged for visits by Americans to China.[92] Their newspaper, Revolutionary Worker has featured articles supportive of Albania and North Korea, while the party, unusually for the Left, has been hostile to school busing, the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA), and gay rights. The party fell out of favour with the Chinese government after the death of Mao Zedong, partly because of the personality cult of the RCP leader. By the mid-1990s the party numbered fewer than 500 members.[93]

Workers World Party

The Ethiopian communist government. In the 1990s their membership was estimated at about 200.[94]

Their front group, [95] However following a split in the party in 2004, some members left to form the Party for Socialism and Liberation, taking leadership of A.N.S.W.E.R. with them. The Workers World Party then formed the Troops Out Now Coalition.[85]

Social democratic and socialist groups

After 1960 the Socialist Party also functioned "as an educational organization".[96] Members of the Debs–Thomas Socialist Party helped to develop leaders of social-movement organizations, including the civil-rights movement and the New Left.[97][98] Similarly, contemporary social-democratic and democratic-socialist organizations are known because of their members' activities in other organizations.

Social Democrats, USA (SDUSA)

The Socialist Party of America changed its name to Social Democrats, USA (SDUSA) in 1972.[53] In electoral politics, SDUSA's National Co-Chairman [100]

Many SDUSA members served as organizational leaders, especially in labor unions. Rustin served as President of the A. Philip Randolph Institute,[101] and was succeeded by Norman Hill. Tom Kahn served as Director of International Affairs for the AFL–CIO.[38] Sandra Feldman served as President of the American Federation of Teachers (AFT).[102] Rachelle Horowitz served as Political Director for the AFT and serves on the board for the National Democratic Institute. Other members of SDUSA specialized in international politics. Penn Kemble served as the Acting Director of the U.S. Information Agency in the Presidency of Bill Clinton.[103][104] After having served as the U.S. Representative to the U.N.'s Committee on human rights during the first Reagan Administration,[105] Carl Gershman has served as the President of the National Endowment for Democracy.[106]

Democratic Socialists of America (DSA)

Social Democrats, USA or its predecessors whose membership was then 1,800, according to a 1973 profile of Harrington.[108]

DSOC became a member of the Socialist International. DSOC supported progressive Democrats, including DSOC member Congressman Ron Dellums, and worked to help network activists in the Democratic Party and in labor unions.[109] With roughly six thousand members, it is the largest contemporary democratic-socialist or social-democratic organization in the United States.

In 1982 DSOC established the [110] Its high-profile members included Congressman Major Owens and William Winpisinger, President of the International Association of Machinists.

Socialist Party USA (SPUSA)

In the Socialist Party before 1973, members of the Debs Caucus opposed endorsing or otherwise supporting Democratic Party candidates. They began working outside the Socialist Party with antiwar groups such as the Socialist Party USA (SPUSA), while continuing to operate the old Debs Caucus paper, the Socialist Tribune, later renamed The Socialist. The SPUSA continued to run local and national candidates. In 1972 they supported the presidential campaign of Benjamin Spock of the People's Party. Their 2000 candidate for president was David McReynolds.[111] In 2000 SPUSA stated that it had 1,000 members.

Trotskyist advocates of communism

Many US Socialist Workers Party, which emerged as a split-off from the CP.

Freedom Socialist Party

The Freedom Socialist Party began in 1966 as the Seattle branch of the Socialist Workers Party that had split from the party and joined with others who had not belonged to the SWP. They differed with the SWP on the role of African Americans, whom they saw as being the future vanguard of the revolution, and of women, emphasizing their rights, which they called "socialist feminism". Clara Fraser came to lead the party and was to form the group Radical Women.[112]

Socialist Action

Sandanista rebels in Nicaragua .[113]

Socialist Workers Party

With fewer than one thousand members in 1996, the [118]


Soviet Union was not a "degenerate workers' state" (as in orthodox Trotskyism) but rather "bureaucratic collectivism", a new and especially repressive class society.[120]

Spartacist League

The Spartacist League was formed in 1966 by members of the Socialist Workers Party who had been expelled two years earlier after accusing the SWP of adopting "petty bourgeois ideology". Beginning with a membership of around 75, their numbers dropped to 40 by 1969 although they grew to several hundred in the early 1970s, with Maoists disillusioned with China's new foreign policy joining the group.[121]

The League saw the Soviet Union as a "deformed workers' state", and supported it over some policies. It is committed to Trotskyist "permanent revolution", rejecting Mao's peasant guerilla warfare model. The group's publication is Workers Vanguard. Much of the group's activity has involved stopping Ku Klux Klan and Nazi rallies.[121]

Workers International League

The Workers International League is an American [122]

Anarchist and anarcho-syndicalist groups and organizations


See also


  1. ^ Buhle, Buhle and Georgakas, p. ix
  2. ^ Archer 2007.
  3. ^ a b Draper, pp. 11–12.
  4. ^ Coleman, pp. 15–16
  5. ^ Coleman, pp. 15–17
  6. ^ Draper, p. 13.
  7. ^ Woodcock, p. 395
  8. ^ Woodcock, p. 397-398
  9. ^ Woodcock, p. 399-400
  10. ^ Draper, pp. 14–16.
  11. ^ Draper, pp. 16–17.
  12. ^ Draper, pp. 21–22.
  13. ^ Draper, pp. 22–24.
  14. ^ Draper, pp. 41–42.
  15. ^ Ryan, p. 13.
  16. ^ Ryan, p. 16.
  17. ^ Ryan, p. 35.
  18. ^ Ryan, p. 36.
  19. ^ Alexander, pp. 765–767.
  20. ^ Alexander, p. 777.
  21. ^ Alexander, p. 784.
  22. ^ Alexander, p. 786.
  23. ^ Alexander, p. 787.
  24. ^ Alexander, p. 792-793.
  25. ^ Alexander, pp. 803–805.
  26. ^ Alexander, p. 810.
  27. ^ Stedman and Stedman, p. 9
  28. ^ Stedman and Stedman, p. 33
  29. ^ Page 6: Chenoweth, Eric (Summer 1992). "The gallant warrior: In memoriam Tom Kahn". Uncaptive Minds: A journal of information and opinion on Eastern Europe (1718 M Street, NW, No. 147, Washington DC 20036, USA: Institute for Democracy in Eastern Europe (IDEE)) 5 (20): 5–16.  
  30. ^ Isserman, The other american, p. 116.
  31. ^ Drucker (1994, p. 269):
    Drucker, Peter (1994). Max Shachtman and his left: A socialist's odyssey through the "American Century". Humanities Press.  
  32. ^ Horowitz (2007, p. 210)
  33. ^ Kahn (2007, pp. 254–255): Kahn, Tom (2007) [1973], "Max Shachtman: His ideas and his movement" (pdf),  
  34. ^ Alexander, p. 812-813.
  35. ^ Jervis Anderson, A. Philip Randolph: A Biographical Portrait (1973; University of California Press, 1986). ISBN 978-0-520-05505-6
  36. ^
    • Anderson, Jervis. Bayard Rustin: Troubles I've Seen (New York: HarperCollins Publishers, 1997).
    • Branch, Taylor. Parting the Waters: America in the King Years, 1954–63 (New York: Touchstone, 1989).
    • D'Emilio, John. Lost Prophet: The Life and Times of Bayard Rustin (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2004). ISBN 0-226-14269-8
  37. ^ Horowitz (2007, pp. 220–222):
  38. ^ a b Saxon, Wolfgang (April 1, 1992). "Tom Kahn, leader in labor and rights movements, was 53". New York Times. 
  39. ^
  40. ^  
  41. ^ Isserman, The other american, pp. 169–336.
  42. ^ Drucker (1994, pp. 187–308)
  43. ^ Miller, pp. 24–25, 37, 74–75: c.f., pp. 55, 66–70 : Miller, James. Democracy is in the Streets: From Port Huron to the Siege of Chicago. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1994 ISBN 978-0-674-19725-1.
  44. ^ Kirkpatrick Sale, SDS, pp. 22–25.
  45. ^ Miller, pp. 75–76, 112–116, 127–132; c.f. p. 107.
  46. ^ Kirkpatrick Sale, SDS, p. 105.
  47. ^ Kirkpatrick Sale, SDS, pp. 25–26
  48. ^ Gitlin, p. 191.
    Todd Gitlin. The Sixties: Years of Hope, Days of Rage (1987) ISBN 0-553-37212-2.
  49. ^ Sale, p. 287.
    Sale described an "all‑out invasion of SDS by the Progressive Labor Party. PLers—concentrated chiefly in Boston, New York, and California, with some strength in Chicago and Michigan—were positively cyclotronic in their ability to split and splinter chapter organizations: if it wasn't their self‑righteous positiveness it was their caucus‑controlled rigidity, if not their deliberate disruptiveness it was their overt bids for control, if not their repetitious appeals for base‑building it was their unrelenting Marxism". Kirkpatrick Sale, SDS, pp. 253.
  50. ^ "The student radicals had gamely resisted the resurrected Marxist-Leninist sects ..." (p. 258); "for more than a year, SDS had been the target of a takeover attempt by the Progressive Labor Party, a Marxist-Leninist cadre of Maoists", Miller, p. 284. Miller describes Marxist Leninists also on pages 228, 231, 240, and 254: c.f., p. 268.
  51. ^ Gitlin, p. 191.
    Todd Gitlin. The Sixties: Years of Hope, Days of Rage (1987) p. 387 ISBN 0-553-37212-2.
  52. ^ Sale wrote, "SDS papers and pamphlets talked of 'armed struggle,' 'disciplined cadre,' 'white fighting force,' and the need for "a communist party that can guide this movement to victory"; SDS leaders and publications quoted Mao and Lenin and Ho Chi Minh more regularly than Jenminh Jih Pao. and a few of them even sought to say a few good words for Stalin". p. 269.
  53. ^ a b c d Anonymous (December 31, 1972). "Socialist Party now the Social Democrats, U.S.A.". New York Times. p. 36. Retrieved February 8, 2010. 
  54. ^ Isserman, p. 311.
  55. ^ Isserman, p. 422.
  56. ^ a b Anonymous (January 1, 1973). Firmness' urged on Communists: Social Democrats reach end of U.S. Convention here"'". New York Times. p. 11. 
  57. ^ Horowitz, Rachelle (2007). "Tom Kahn and the fight for democracy: A political portrait and personal recollection". Democratiya (merged with Dissent in 2009) 11: 204–251. 
  58. ^ Shevis (1981, p. 31):
    Shevis, James M. (1981). "The AFL-CIO and Poland's Solidarity". World Affairs (World Affairs Institute) 144 (Summer): 31–35.  
  59. ^ Opening statement by Tom Kahn in Kahn & Podhoretz (2008, p. 235):
  60. ^ "The AFL–CIO had channeled more than $4 million to it, including computers, printing presses, and supplies" according to Horowitz (2009, p. 237).
  61. ^ Puddington (2005):
    Puddington, Arch (2005). "Surviving the underground: How American unions helped solidarity win". American Educator (American Federation of Teachers) (Summer). Retrieved June 4, 2011. 
  62. ^ Graeber
  63. ^ Lipset & Marks, p. 9
  64. ^ Lipset & Marks, p. 11
  65. ^ Lipset & Marks, p. 16
  66. ^ Lipset & Marks, pp. 19–23
  67. ^ Draper, pp. 36–37
  68. ^ Draper, p. 41
  69. ^ Lipset & Marks, p. 23
  70. ^ Lipset & Marks, pp. 21–22
  71. ^ Lipset & Marks, p. 83
  72. ^ George & Wilcox, pp. 97–98
  73. ^ George & Wilcox, p. 103
  74. ^ George & Wilcox, p. 98
  75. ^ George & Wilcox, p. 99
  76. ^ George & Wilcox, p. 101
  77. ^ George & Wilcox, p. 103-104
  78. ^ George & Wilcox, p. 102
  79. ^ George & Wilcox, p. 105
  80. ^ CPUSA. "New CPUSA Constitution". Retrieved 2014-06-27. 
  81. ^ ALB
  82. ^ Alexander, p. 932
  83. ^ George & Wilcox, p. 95
  84. ^ "FBI Interview Questions for FRSO". Committee to Stop FBI Repression. Retrieved 2013-04-25. 
  85. ^ a b Reuters
  86. ^ Sherman
  87. ^ George & Wilcox, p. 147
  88. ^ George & Wilcox, p. 148
  89. ^ George & Wilcox, p. 150
  90. ^ George & Wilcox, p. 151
  91. ^ George & Wilcox, p. 159
  92. ^ George & Wilcox, p. 160
  93. ^ George & Wilcox, p. 161
  94. ^ George & Wilcox, pp. 153–154
  95. ^ Bérubé, pp. 130–131
  96. ^ Hamby (2003, p. 25, footnote 5): Hamby, Alonzo L. (2003). "Is there no democratic left in America? Reflections on the transformation of an ideology". Journal of Policy History 15 (The future of the democratic left in industrial democracies): 3–25.  
  97. ^ Aldon Morris, The Origins of the Civil Rights Movement: Black Communities Organizing for Change (New York: The Free Press, 1994)
  98. ^
    • Maurice Isserman. If I Had a Hammer...The Death of the Old Left and the Birth of the New Left (Basic Books, 1987). ISBN 0-465-03197-8.
  99. ^ Fraser, C. Gerald (September 7, 1974). "Socialists seek to transform the Democratic Party". New York Times. p. 11. 
  100. ^  
  101. ^
  102. ^ Berger, Joseph (September 20, 2005). "Sandra Feldman, scrappy and outspoken labor leader for teachers, dies at 65". New York times. 
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