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Yulia Tymoshenko

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Title: Yulia Tymoshenko  
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Subject: Viktor Yanukovych, Ukraine/Ukraine news/Archive, Ukrainian presidential election, 2010, Oleksandr Turchynov, All-Ukrainian Union "Fatherland"
Collection: 1960 Births, Alumni of Dnipropetrovsk National University, Batkivshchyna Politicians, Candidates for President of Ukraine (2010), Candidates for President of Ukraine (2014), Corruption in Ukraine, Eastern Orthodox Christians from Ukraine, European Court of Human Rights Cases Involving Ukraine, Female Heads of Government, Fifth Convocation Members of the Verkhovna Rada, Hromada (Political Party) Politicians, Inmates of Lukyanivska Prison, Komsomol, Living People, Members of the Verkhovna Rada, People from Dnipropetrovsk, People of the Euromaidan, People of the Orange Revolution, Prime Ministers of Ukraine, Prisoners and Detainees of Ukraine, Sixth Convocation Members of the Verkhovna Rada, Ukrainian Businesspeople, Ukrainian Economists, Ukrainian Orthodox Christians, Ukrainian People of Latvian Descent, Ukrainian Politicians Convicted of Abuse of Office, Ukrainian Prisoners and Detainees, Ukrainian Women in Politics, Yulia Tymoshenko
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Yulia Tymoshenko

Yulia Tymoshenko
Юлія Тимошенко
Tymoshenko in March 2011
Prime Minister of Ukraine
In office
18 December 2007 – 4 March 2010
President Viktor Yushchenko
Deputy Oleksandr Turchynov
Preceded by Viktor Yanukovych
Succeeded by Mykola Azarov
In office
24 January 2005 – 8 September 2005
Acting 24 January 2005 – 4 February 2005
President Viktor Yushchenko
Deputy Anatoliy Kinakh
Preceded by Mykola Azarov
Succeeded by Yuriy Yekhanurov
Minister of Fuel and Energy
In office
30 December 1999 – 19 January 2001
Prime Minister Viktor Yushchenko
Preceded by Aleksey Sheberstov (Energy)[1][2]
Succeeded by Viktor Yushchenko[3]
Personal details
Born (1960-11-27) 27 November 1960
Dnipropetrovsk, Ukrainian SSR, Soviet Union
Political party Hromada (1997–1999)
Fatherland (1999–present)
Other political
Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc (2001–2012)
Dictatorship Resistance Committee (2011–2014)
Spouse(s) Oleksandr (1979–present)
Children Eugenia
Alma mater National Mining University of Ukraine
Dnipropetrovsk National University
Kyiv National Economic University
Religion Ukrainian Orthodox
Website // .ua.orgba /.UA/
People's Deputy of Ukraine
2nd convocation
16 January 1997 – 12 May 1998
Elected as: Independent, Kirovohrad Oblast,
District No.229[4]
3rd convocation
12 May 1998 – 2 March 2000
Elected as: Independent, Kirovohrad Oblast,
District No.99[5]
4th convocation
14 May 2002 – 4 February 2005
Elected as: Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc, No.1[6]
5th convocation
25 May 2006 – 14 June 2007
Elected as: Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc, No.1[7]
6th convocation
23 November 2007 – 19 December 2007
Elected as: Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc, No.1[8]
8th convocation
27 November 2014 – Present
Elected as: Fatherland, No.2[9]

Yulia Volodymyrivna Tymoshenko (Ukrainian: Ю́лія Володи́мирівна Тимоше́нко, pronounced , née Hrihyan, Грігян,[10] born 27 November 1960) is a Ukrainian politician. She co-led the Orange Revolution[11] and was the first woman appointed Prime Minister of Ukraine,[12] serving from 24 January to 8 September 2005, and again from 18 December 2007 to 4 March 2010.[13][14]

Tymoshenko is the leader of the All-Ukrainian Union "Fatherland" political party that has 19 seats in parliament[15] and has Tymoshenko as its parliamentary faction leader.[16] In the 2012 Ukrainian parliamentary election the party had received the second most votes, winning 101 of parliament's 450 seats.[17][18]

In the 2014 Ukrainian presidential election Tymoshenko received 12.81% of the vote, coming in second place after Petro Poroshenko who won the election with 54.7%.[19] Tymoshenko finished second in the Ukrainian presidential election of 2010 runoff with a 3.5% loss to the winner, Viktor Yanukovych.[20] In the first round she had received 25.05% (in 2010).[21]

After the 2010 presidential election, a number of [22][23][24][25][26][27][28][29] She was released on 22 February 2014, in the concluding days of the Euromaidan revolution, following a revision of the Ukrainian criminal code that effectively decriminalized the actions for which she was imprisoned. The decision was supported by 322 votes.[30][31] She was officially rehabilitated on 28 February 2014.[32][33][31][34] Just after Euromaidan revolution, the Ukrainian Supreme Court and European Court of Human Rights closed the case and found that "no crime was committed".[35][36][37]

In 2005 Tymoshenko placed third in Forbes magazine's list of the world's most powerful women.[38]

Tymoshenko strives for Ukraine's integration into the European Union and strongly opposes the membership of Ukraine in the Eurasian Customs Union. Yulia Tymoshenko supports NATO membership for Ukraine.[39]


  • Early life and career 1
    • Education 1.1
    • Commercial career 1.2
  • Political career 2
    • Early career 2.1
      • Deputy Prime Minister for fuel and energy 2.1.1
    • Campaigns against Kuchma and 2002 election 2.2
    • Role in the Orange Revolution 2.3
    • First term as Prime Minister 2.4
    • Opposition (2005–2007) and 2006 parliamentary election 2.5
    • 2007 parliamentary election 2.6
    • Prime Minister 2007–2010, and 2008 political crisis 2.7
    • Gas dispute between Russia and Ukraine (2009) 2.8
    • 2010 Presidential election 2.9
    • In opposition after 2010 presidential election 2.10
    • 2011 trial and imprisonment and other criminal cases against Tymoshenko 2.11
      • Appeal 2.11.1
      • Cassation 2.11.2
      • International reactions 2.11.3
    • 2014 release from prison 2.12
    • Political activities after release 2.13
    • Parliamentary activity, 2014–2015 2.14
  • Political views 3
  • Family and personal life 4
    • Personal life 4.1
  • Cultural and political image 5
    • Awards 5.1
    • Yulia Tymoshenko's positions in national ratings 5.2
  • Cultural references 6
  • Notes 7
  • References 8
  • Further reading 9
  • External links 10

Early life and career

Tymoshenko was born Yulia Hrihyan[10][40][41] 27 November 1960, in Dnipropetrovsk, Soviet Ukraine, Soviet Union.[42] Her mother, Lyudmila Telehina (née Nelepova), was born on 11 August 1937, also in Dnipropetrovsk.[43] Yulia's father, Volodymyr Hrihyan, who according to his Soviet passport was Latvian, was born on 3 December 1937, also in Dnipropetrovsk. He abandoned his wife and young daughter when Yulia was between one and three years old; Yulia used her mother's surname.[43][44]

Yulia's paternal grandfather, Abram Kapitelman (Ukrainian: Абрам Кельманович Капітельман), was born in 1914. After graduating from Dnipropetrovsk State University in 1940, Kapitelman was sent to work in Western Ukraine, where he worked "one academic quarter" as the director of a public Jewish school in the city Sniatyn.[43] Kapitelman was mobilized into the army in the autumn of 1940 and subsequently was killed while taking part in the Great Patriotic War (1941–1945) on 8 November 1944, with the rank of "lieutenant" in Signal corps.[43]


In 1977, Tymoshenko graduated from high school in Dnipropetrovsk.[44][45]

In 1978 Tymoshenko was enrolled in the Automatization and Telemechanics Department of the Dnipropetrovsk Mining Institute.[46] In 1979 she transferred to the Economics Department of the Dnipropetrovsk State University, majoring in cybernetic engineering and graduating in 1984 with first degree honors as an engineer-economist.[47]

In 1999 she defended her PhD dissertation, titled State Regulation of the tax system, at the Kyiv National Economic University.[48]

Commercial career

Tymoshenko has worked as a practicing economist and academic. Prior to her political career, she became a successful but controversial businesswoman in the gas industry, becoming by some estimates one of the richest people in the country. Before becoming Ukraine's first female Prime Minister in 2005,[49] Tymoshenko co-led the Orange Revolution.[11] She was placed third in Forbes magazine's List of The World's 100 Most Powerful Women 2005.[38]

After graduating from the Dnipropetrovsk State University in 1984, Tymoshenko worked as an engineer-economist in the "Dnipro Machine-Building Plant" (which produced missiles) in Dnipropetrovsk until 1988.[50]

In 1988, as part of the perestroika initiatives, Yulia and Oleksandr Tymoshenko borrowed 5000 Soviet rubles and opened a video-rental cooperative, perhaps with the help of Oleksander's father, Gennadi Tymoshenko, who presided over a regional film-distribution network in the provincial council.[51]

In 1989–1991 Yulia and Oleksandr Tymoshenko founded and led a commercial video-rental company "Terminal" in Dnipropetrovsk,[51][52]

In 1991 Tymoshenko established (jointly with her husband Oleksandr, Gennadi Tymoshenko, and Olexandr Gravets)[51] "The Ukrainian Petrol Corporation", a company that supplied the agriculture industry of Dnipropetrovsk with fuel from 1991 to 1995.[50] Tymoshenko worked as a General Director. In 1995 this company was reorganized into United Energy Systems of Ukraine.[53] Tymoshenko served as the president of United Energy Systems of Ukraine, a privately owned middleman company that became the main importer of Russian natural gas to Ukraine, from 1995 to 1 January 1997.[42][54][55] During that time she was nicknamed the "gas princess".[56][57] She was also accused of "having given Pavlo Lazarenko kickbacks in exchange for her company's stranglehold on the country's gas supplies",[58] although Judge Martin Jenkins of the United States District Court for the Northern District of California, on 7 May 2004, dismissed the allegations of money laundering and conspiracy regarding UESU, Somoli Ent. et al. (companies affiliated with Yulia Tymoshenko) in connection with Lazarenko's activities.[59] During this period, Tymoshenko was involved in business relations (either co-operative or hostile) with many important figures of Ukraine.[60][61][62] Tymoshenko also had to deal with the management of the Russian corporation, Gazprom.[63] Yulia Tymoshenko claims that, under her management, UESU successfully solved significant economic problems: in 1995–1997, Ukraine’s multi-billion debt for Russian natural gas was paid; Ukraine resumed international cooperation in machine building, the pipe industry and construction; and Ukraine's export of goods to Russia doubled.[64] In the period 1995–1997 Tymoshenko was considered one of the richest business people in Ukraine.[58] When Tymoshenko made her initial foray into national politics, her company became an instrument of political pressure on her and on her family. UESU top management faced prosecution.[65] Since 1998 Tymoshenko has been a prominent politician in Ukraine. She was removed from the list of "100 richest Ukrainians" in 2006.[66][67]

Political career

Early career

Yulia Tymoshenko entered politics in 1996, when she was elected to the Verkhovna Rada (the Ukrainian parliament) in constituency No. 229, Bobrynets, Kirovohrad Oblast, winning a record 92.3% of the vote.[68] In Parliament, Tymoshenko joined the Constitutional Centre faction.[68] In February 1997 this centrists faction was 56 lawmakers strong[69] and, according to Ukrayinska Pravda, it, first, supported the policies of Ukrainian President Leonid Kuchma.[68] In late 1997, Tymoshenko called for impeachment and the next Ukrainian Presidential elections to be held not in 1999, but in the fall of 1998.[70] In late November 1997, the General Prosecutor of Ukraine asked the Verkhovna Rada to lift Tymoshenko's parliamentary immunity, but the deputies voted against it.[70]

Former Deputy Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko was in the opposition to President Leonid Kuchma. In a letter to the editor of the British newspaper “Financial Times”, Tymoshenko claims that the President of Ukraine consciously building a totalitarian system in the country. [71]

I believe that Mr Kuchma's regime may go so far as to eliminate me physically, not just politically, but I have made my choice and will continue to fight him by democratic methods. President Kuchma says I have committed a crime. My only "crime" has been to fight the corruption, shadow economy and totalitarianism that have been created by this president of Ukraine. Yulia Tymoshenko Prisoner of Conscience and Former Deputy Prime Minister, Ukraine .

Yulia Tymoshenko The Financial Times article (03/14/2001 )[72]

Tymoshenko was re-elected in 1998, winning a constituency in the Kirovohrad Oblast, and was also number six on the party list of Hromada.[68][73][74] She became an influential person in the parliament,[75] and was appointed the Chair of the Budget Committee of the Verkhovna Rada.[50][76][77][78] After Hromada's party leader Pavlo Lazarenko fled to the United States in February 1999 to avoid investigations for embezzlement,[77] various faction members left Hromada to join other parliamentary factions,[79][80] among them Tymoshenko, who set up the All-Ukrainian Union "Fatherland" faction in March 1999 in protest against the methods of Lazarenko.[77][81] "Fatherland" was officially registered as a political party in September 1999,[81] and began to attract the voters who had voted for Yevhen Marchuk in the October 1999 presidential election.[80] In 2000, "Fatherland" went in opposition to President Kuchma.[80]

Deputy Prime Minister for fuel and energy

From late December 1999 to January 2001, Tymoshenko was the Deputy Prime Minister for the fuel and energy sector in the

External links

  • "Profile: Yulia Tymoshenko". BBC News. 4 March 2010.  (article is updated on an occasional basis)
  • Skard, Torild (2014) "Yulia Tymoshenko" in Women of power – half a century of female presidents and prime ministers worldwide, Bristol: Policy Press, ISBN 978-1-44731-578-0, pp. 353–8
  • The Report: Emerging Ukraine 2007, Oxford Business Group, 2007, ISBN 978-1-902339-68-9

Further reading

  1. ^ Soviet Plant Source Book with a section on NUCLEAR ENERGY IN UKRAINE, International Nuclear Safety Center (July 1997)
  2. ^ Senior Experts, IMEPOWER Investment Group
  3. ^ "Kuchma dismisses Tymoshenko". 28 January 2001. Retrieved 2013-12-28. 
  4. ^ "People's Deputy of Ukraine of the II convocation". Official portal (in Ukrainian).  
  5. ^ "People's Deputy of Ukraine of the III convocation". Official portal (in Ukrainian).  
  6. ^ "People's Deputy of Ukraine of the IV convocation". Official portal (in Ukrainian).  
  7. ^ "People's Deputy of Ukraine of the V convocation". Official portal (in Ukrainian).  
  8. ^ "People's Deputy of Ukraine of the VI convocation". Official portal (in Ukrainian).  
  9. ^ "People's Deputy of Ukraine of the VIII convocation". Official portal (in Ukrainian).  
  10. ^ a b An orange revolution: a personal journey through Ukrainian history by Askold Krushelnycky, Harvill Secker, 2006, ISBN 978-0-436-20623-8, p. 169.
  11. ^ a b c d BBC News profile
  12. ^ Mark MacKinnon. Peace deal that frees Yulia Tymoshenko a harsh blow to Ukraine’s President. The Globe and Mail, 2014-02-21. Retrieved 2014-03-11.
  13. ^ a b Ukraine parliament votes out Tymoshenko's government, Kyiv Post (3 March 2010)
  14. ^ a b Press secretary: Tymoshenko vacates premier's post, Kyiv Post (4 March 2010)
  15. ^ a b Poroshenko Bloc to have greatest number of seats in parliament, Ukrinform (8 November 2014)
    People's Front 0.33% ahead of Poroshenko Bloc with all ballots counted in Ukraine elections – CEC, Interfax-Ukraine (8 November 2014)
    Poroshenko Bloc to get 132 seats in parliament – CEC, Interfax-Ukraine (8 November 2014)
  16. ^ a b Six factions formed in parliament, National Radio Company of Ukraine (27 November 2014)
  17. ^ Ukraine election:Opposition rally against 'rigged' poll, BBC News (5 November 2012)
  18. ^ CEC: Party of Regions gets 185 seats in Ukrainian parliament, Batkivschyna 101, Kyiv Post (12 November 2012)
  19. ^ a b "Poroshenko wins presidential election with 54.7% of vote – CEC".  
    (Russian) Results election of Ukrainian president, Телеграф (29 May 2014)
  20. ^ Andrei Nesterov. How the News is Reported in Russia. The School of Russian and Asian Studies. 2010-02-19. Retrieved 2014-03-11. Citing Виктор Янукович официально стал избранным президентом Украины. 2010-02-14.
  21. ^ Update: Official result of first round of presidential election – Yanukovych wins 35.32%, Tymoshenko 25.05%, Kyiv Post (25 January 2010)
  22. ^ a b [4], Danish Helsinki Committee Report
  23. ^ [5]
  24. ^ Zakharov said that Tymoshenko - certainly political prisoner
  25. ^ a b EU feels let down by Ukraine over Tymoshenko, Euronews (11 October 2011)
  26. ^ "ECHR". Retrieved 2014-07-26. 
  27. ^ a b Spillius, Alex. "EU to Kiev: free Yulia Tymoshenko, or no pact". Telegraph. Retrieved 2013-12-28. 
  28. ^ a b c d Ukraine's jailed Tymoshenko calls off hunger strike, Kyiv Post (16 November 2012)
    Chief doctor:Tymoshenko to have recovered from hunger strike by end of this week, Kyiv Post (28 November 2012)
  29. ^ a b c EU leaders:Ratification of Association Agreement and DCFTA depends on settlement of Tymoshenko-Lutsenko issue, Kyiv Post (20 July 2012)
  30. ^ Ukraine's Tymoshenko Declares Presidential Candidacy, Voice of America (27 March 2014)
  31. ^ a b c Ukraine: Speaker Oleksandr Turchynov named interim president, BBC News (23 February 2014)
    Ukraine protests timeline, BBC News (23 February 2014)
  32. ^ "Ukraine's ex-Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko officially rehabilitated – News – World – The Voice of Russia: News, Breaking news, Politics, Economics, Business, Russia, International current events, Expert opinion, podcasts, Video". The Voice of Russia. Retrieved 2014-07-26. 
  33. ^ a b c Andrew Higgins; Andrew Cramer (21 February 2014). "Embattled Ukraine President Signs Compromise Deal as Parliament Votes to Free His Imprisoned Rival". New York Times. Retrieved 21 February 2014. 
  34. ^ "Ally of Opposition Icon Tymoshenko Voted Acting Ukraine President". NBC News. 23 February 2014. Retrieved 25 February 2014. 
  35. ^ "ITAR-TASS: World – Ukrainian Supreme Court closes Tymoshenko’s ‘gas case’". Retrieved 2014-07-26. 
  36. ^ "Ukraine: Court “discontinues” examination of Tymoshenko human rights complaint". Retrieved 2015-01-22. 
  37. ^ "ECHR:Tymoshenko suit over Ukraine treatment settled". Retrieved 2015-01-22. 
  38. ^ a b c d e MacDonald, Elizabeth; Chana R. Schoenberger (28 July 2005). "The 100 Most Powerful Women".  
  39. ^ "Tymoshenko announces start of preparations for NATO accession referendum". en.itar-tass. 30 August 2014. Retrieved 30 August 2014. 
  40. ^ "Azeri reporter pesters Yulia Timoshenko about being Armenian". Site "Ukrayinska Pravda". 27 December 2004. Retrieved 11 October 2011. 
  41. ^ Ivanova, Galina (12 November 2007). "Yuliya Tymoshenko". Retrieved 11 October 2011. 
  42. ^ a b Eastern Europe, Russia and Central Asia 2004 (Regional Surveys of the World) by Europa Publications, Routledge, 2003, ISBN 978-1-85743-187-2, p. 604.
  43. ^ a b c d e f g Chobit', Dmytro. "ЮЛІЯ ТИМОШЕНКО: І. РОДОВІД Ю. ТИМОШЕНКО (Yuliya Tymoshenko: [Part] I. Ancestry of Yu. Tymoshenko)" (in Ukrainian). Retrieved 27 January 2014. 
  44. ^ a b (Russian) Тимошенко Юлия, Korrespondent
  45. ^ ""'Anna Usik.'' Classmates wrote off work in mathematics at Julia Tymoshenko. Newspaper "Newspaper in Ukrainian" № 1039, 09.06.2010. Category "People". Website "'". Retrieved 11 October 2011. 
  46. ^ """Government portal: Julia Tymoshenko got acquainted with the achievements of "the National Mining University in Dnipropetrovsk. 18 September 2009. Retrieved 11 October 2011. 
  47. ^ Tymoshenko, Yulia. Former Prime Minister of Ukraine. "Lentapediya", 19 October 2011.
  48. ^ """Dissertation of Y. Tymoshenko "State Regulation of the tax system. Retrieved 2013-12-28. 
  49. ^ "Ukraine's First Woman Prime Minister". 24 September 2005. Retrieved 18 February 2011. 
  50. ^ a b c d Country profile/Ukraine/Personalities Tymoshenko Yuliya Volodymyrivna, Eurasia Heritage Foundation
  51. ^ a b c "Alexander Fidel. "Unsinkable Tymoshenko". Weekly "2000", № 3 (542), 21–27 January 2011". 28 January 2010. Retrieved 11 October 2011. 
  52. ^ a b Ukraine's Gold-Plaited Comeback Kid, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (23 September 2008)
  53. ^ Varfolomeyev, Oleg (6 February 1998). "Will Yulia Tymoshenko be Ukraine's first woman prime minister?". PRISM, Volume 4, Issue 3.  
  54. ^ Staff Country Report Ukraine, International Monetary Fund (October 1997)
  55. ^ Ukraine: State and Nation Building by Taras Kuzio, Routledge, 1998, ISBN 0415171954.
  56. ^ How Ukraine Became a Market Economy and Democracy by Anders Åslund, Peterson Institute for International Economics, 2009, ISBN 0-88132-427-2.
  57. ^ More gas charges against Tymoshenko, United Press International (29 March 2012)
    Yulia Timoshenko: a dangerous woman in danger, Russia Today (9 August 2011)
  58. ^ a b According to Matthew Brzezinski (author of "Casino Moscow: A Tale of Greed and Adventure on Capitalism's Wildest Frontier"), she "gained control over nearly 20% of Ukraine's gross national product, an enviable position that probably no other private company in the world could boast." Quoted by James Meek, "The millionaire revolutionary," The Guardian (26 November 2004)
  59. ^ "U.S. judge throws out 23 of 53 counts against Lazarenko (05/23/04)". 23 May 2004. Retrieved 2013-12-28. 
  60. ^ Victor Pinchuk: formation, privatization, kidnapping, Journal of business Entrepreneur (25 June 2011)
  61. ^ Ukrainian Oligarchs, The Ukrainian Week (29 August 2011)
  62. ^ Igor Kolomoisky: "I said Pinchuk, "Life it's a supermarket, take whatever you like, but the ticket office front", Journal of business Entrepreneur (23 December 2010)
  63. ^ Annual Survey of Eastern Europe and the Former Soviet Union 1997: The Challenge of Integration, by Institute for East-West Studies, M. E. Sharpe, 1998, ISBN 978-0-7656-0359-3, p. 173.
  64. ^ Юлия" – документальный фильм о Юлии Тимошенко""". YouTube. 25 January 2013. Retrieved 2013-12-28. 
  65. ^ Yulia", documentary by Coppola Production""". 25 January 2013. Retrieved 2013-12-28. 
  66. ^ 100 richest people in Ukraine" by the experts of the magazine "Focus" in 2007""". 23 March 2007. Retrieved 2013-12-28. 
  67. ^ Фото: Корреспондент (7 September 2010). "The Golden Hundred: a complete list of the richest people of Ukraine". Retrieved 2013-12-28. 
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  71. ^ (Ukrainian) Tymoshenko British: Kuchma builds totalitarianismТимошенко британцям: Кучма будує тоталітаризм , ua. korrespondent (14 March 2001)
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  1. ^ Key economic achievements of Tymoshenko's government Increased salaries, pensions, scholarships; Fulfilled one of the paragraphs of social program from Yushchenko's election agenda on support for new families: in 2005 a social aid for a newborn child was increased 12 times; "Contraband stop" campaign was launched. The campaign was accompanied by eradication of shadow schemes in business; Call for nationalization and re-privatization of more than 3000 enterprises. Eventually the government nationalized and then re-privatized country's biggest metallurgical plant "Kryvorizhstal". In October 2005 it was sold for $4 billion to a new owner, which was an impressive amount compared to $8.5 billion received by the government from privatization between 1991 and 2004; On 16 June 2005 president Viktor Yushchenko, speaker of the Verkhovna Rada Volodymyr Lytvyn and Yulia Tymoshenko signed a memorandum on guarantees of ownership rights and ensuring lawfulness for their implementation. According to Yushchenko, "Ukrainian government brought murky privatization practice to the end"; Reaction to crises on internal market; In April–May 2005 Ukraine faced so called "meat, sugar and petrol crises" when prices for the abovementioned products went up by 30–50% over a couple of weeks. These crises allegedly resulted from a cartel conspiracy and it took Tymoshenko's government about 1,5 month to get the prices down to the initial level with the help of "goods intervention" mechanism; The meat crisis was caused by increased demand for meat as a result of increased salaries. Tymoshenko's government lifted duties on imported meat, which dropped the speculative prices Tymoshenko's political opponents (Yushchenko and Yanukovych) kept criticizing her for importing "low quality meat". At that time Tymoshenko's government made a decision to increase production of poultry, which eventually made Ukraine a poultry exporter. The sugar and petrol crises were caused by a "cartel conspiracy" which increased prices for the abovementioned goods by 30–50%. Tymoshenko's government organized import of cane sugar and dropped duties on oil products import. In a couple of months the prices stabilized. In 2006 Anti Monopoly Committee, who investigated the "sugar crisis" issued a conclusion which said that it was a cartel monopoly with a participation of Petro Poroshenko, then-head of the National Council of Security and Defense. In May 2005, at the height of the petrol crisis, Viktor Yushchenko publicly sharply criticized Tymoshenko for "pressure on oil traders".
  2. ^ On 7 December 2005 Bloc of Yulia Tymoshenko held a convention in Kiev. At this convention Yulia Tymoshenko presented a new ideology of the Bloc ("solidarism") and announced the first top 10 of the party list for the upcoming parliamentary election of 2006. Unlike the other parties that ran for election, BYuT did not disclose the rest of the names on the list. On 26 March 2006 BYuT won 22.27% of votes (5,648,345 votes) and came first in 14 regions of Ukraine.
  3. ^ See more at 2007 Ukrainian political crisis.
  4. ^ The key purpose of her visit was to explain to the US administration "the biggest problem of Ukrainian politics": Yanukovych's actions toward unconstitutional enlargement of the "ruling coalition" that could potentially remove Viktor Yushchenko from power. The only possible solution envisaged by Tymoshenko was dismissal of the Verkhovna Rada (according to the Constitution) and an early parliamentary election. In addition to meeting with top officials of the Bush administration, Tymoshenko gave speeches at the Kennedy Center for Strategic and International Studies and the National Press Club. She also received an award for her contribution to the development of democracy in Ukraine from the influential NGO Conservative Political Action Conference.
  5. ^ On 31 March 2007 Tymoshenko and her political party initiated and conducted the "100 thousand people Maidan". Other Orange Revolution leaders such as Viacheslav Kyrylenko and Yuriy Lutsenko attended the meeting. The participants urged president Yushchenko (who was not there) to dismiss the Verkhovna Rada and call early election.[153] During this trip she received an award for contribution into democracy development from Conservative Political Action Conference.[154]
  6. ^ Tymoshenko herself outlines the biggest achievements of her government[196] introducing anti crisis program for the key industries (mining and metallurgical sector, agrarian sector, chemical production, construction and development), strengthening Ukraine's energy independence through direct gas deals with Russian Federation, restoring Ukraine's fame as the world's bread basket due to unprecedentedly rich crops of grain (53.3 million tons in 2008, and 46 million tons in 2009), preventing drop in the agricultural production, revitalization of high-tech industries such as space engineering and aircraft construction, resuming of series construction of Antonov aircraft, getting final UEFA's confirmation for conduct Euro-2012 tournament in Ukraine, introducing independent high school graduate testing, obtaining WTO membership, and commencing negotiations on EU association.
  7. ^ Tymoshenko introduced an apparatus of the Cabinet of Ministers' Commissioner for anti corruption issues and made sure that a number of anti corruption laws and government regulations (acts) were adopted. Tymoshenko herself was personally in charge of fight with "gas" and "land" mafia, which, in the first case, ended up with removal of corruption intermediary from gas trade between Russia and Ukraine; in the second case it ended up with introduction of free of charge registration and issuing land ownership documents for citizens. According to Tymoshenko, the efficient anti corruption campaign [167] and significant financial discipline armed the government with additional resources for dealing with burning social problems during the crisis period. Due to that the following goals were achieved: pensions, stipends and salaries to the state-run organizations' employees were paid on time; gas and electricity prices for households were not raised; people received their deposits from the bankrupt banks; additional payments for teachers, healthcare workers and librarians were provided; financial aid to families with a newborn child was increased in several times; those who qualify, received more than 5500 state subsidized apartments; about 6 million of clients of former Soviet Oshchadbank received compensations for their lost savings; people could register their land plots free of charge.
  8. ^ These criminal cases were opened against officials from the second Tymoshenko Government (prosecutors have not accused them of corruption, or assignment of funds, but rather have accused them of abuse of power):
  9. Prime Minister – Tymoshenko
  10. Minister of Police – Yuriy Lutsenko
  11. Minister of Defence – Ivashchenko
  12. Minister of Finance – Danylyshyn
  13. Minister of Natural Resources – Filipchuk
  14. Deputy Minister of Justice – Korneichuk
  15. Head of Customs of Ukraine – Makarenko
  16. Head of the regional customs – Shepitko
  17. Head of the State Treasury of Ukraine – Slyuz; Deputy head – Gritsoun
  18. Deputy head of "Naftogaz" (state monopoly on trade in gas and oil) – Didenko
  19. Governor of Dnipropetrovsk region (former Minister of Transport) – Bondar
  20. Minister and former mayor of Lviv – Kuybida. Source: Minister and former mayor of Lviv – Kuybida
  21. First Deputy Prime Minister Oleksandr Turchynov – repeatedly summoned for questioning
  22. ^ In December 2010 Tymoshenko had stated she might run for President in 2015, but that this also depended on her family.[355]
  23. ^ European politicians deemed the court's decision to be politically motivated and a violation of democratic standards. The head of EU diplomacy, Catherine Ashton, said in a statement that the verdict would affect bilateral EU-Ukraine relations, including the Association Agreement. Commissioner for Enlargement Stefan Fule indicated that he was counting on Tymoshenko's rapid release through changes to Ukraine's Criminal Code. The head of the European People's Party, Wilfried Martens, has called for talks with Ukraine on the Association Agreement to be suspended. These responses correspond to the Union's current position; for the Association Agreement to be signed, Tymoshenko must be released and permitted to participate in the next elections.
  24. ^ It was subsequently revealed that significant portions of the article were paraphrased from an article written by former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger. Tymoshenko's staff denied allegations of plagiarism on the grounds that the Foreign Affairs format does not usually include attributions.[425] Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov wrote an article called "Containing Russia: Back To The Future?"[426] for the same journal which was apparently meant to be a response to Tymoshenko. He withdrew the article before publication, accusing the editors of changing his text and said his article was subjected to "censorship".[427]
  25. ^ Tymshenko's daughter [505]


  • On 4 October 2014 Eugenia Tymoshenko in Milan, Italy presented the book "Ukraine, Gas and Handcuffs: The Trial of Yulia Tymoshenko" (Italian: «Ucraina, gas e manette: il processo a Yulia Tymoshenko»). Author of books on political persecution of Yulia Tymoshenko at the time of the Yanukovych regime is the Italian analyst Mateo Cazzulani. The title "Ukraine, Gas and Handcuffs: The Trial of Yulia Tymoshenko" demonstrates a clear understanding that energy is the key source of Ukraine’s dependence. The author draws a clear parallel between Ukraine and the fate of Yulia Tymoshenko, who was also denied her freedom because of her fight against corruption, the oligarchy and the dependence of the Ukrainian energy sector on Russian energy.[515][516][517]

Cultural references

2007–2013 in Ukraine, Yulia Tymoshenko is the most popular politician on the Internet ,[507] in blogs[508][509] and social networks.[510] Yulia Tymoshenko is the most popular foreign politician in the Russian media.[511] 2012 The national rating (28 December 2012) by the Razumkov Center and the "Foundation for Democratic Initiatives": Yulia Tymoshenko is recognized as the best Prime Minister of Ukraine – 19.5%, Viktor Yanukovych – 11.4%, Mykola Azarov – 8.6%, Leonid Kuchma – 5.6%, Viktor Yushchenko – 3.9%, Pavel Lazarenko – 2.2%.[512]

2009 Yulia Tymoshenko, Korrespondent magazine, TOP 100 the most influential Ukrainians, 1st place (Dream women). Yulia Tymoshenko, Focus magazine, the most influential women of Ukraine, 1st place. Yulia Tymoshenko, Focus magazine, TOP 200 the most influential politicians of Ukraine, 1st place.

2007 Yulia Tymoshenko, Focus magazine, the most influential women of Ukraine, 1st place. Yulia Tymoshenko, Korrespondent magazine, TOP 100 the most influential politics of Ukraine, 4th place (Woman-brand), Person of the year. Yulia Tymoshenko, Focus magazine, 200 the most influential Ukrainians, 2nd place.

2005 Korrespondent magazine, TOP 100 the most influential politics of Ukraine, 2nd place (Women with nimbus), Person of the year

2004 Korrespondent magazine names Yulia Tymoshenko “Revolutionary of the Year”

Yulia Tymoshenko's positions in national ratings


Opinion polls since early 2011 show that the percentage of votes that Tymoshenko would gain in a future presidential election stands about 15%.[501] Yet recent opinion polls show increase of Tymoshenko's rating. Thus, according to the survey conducted by "Rating" sociology think tank in September 2013, 21% of respondents would vote for Tymoshenko according to Russian held Interefax.[502]

In some newspapers and television programs, Tymoshenko has been referred to as Lady Yu (Ледi Ю, Леди Ю).[500]

Vitaly Chepinoha has closely collaborated with Tymoshenko during various elections for more than a decade.[238]

Party of Regions Deputy Head Borys Kolesnykov stated on 11 February 2010 "Tymoshenko was the most effective politician during the entire period of Ukraine's recent history".[497] Former European High Representative for Common Foreign and Security Policy Javier Solana has called Tymoshenko "a patriot regardless of the position in which you have found yourself".[498] President Viktor Yanukovych stated about Tymoshenko on 13 May 2010 "She likes to create a sensation. We have grown used to this extravagant woman".[499]

Former Ukrainian Minister of Finance of Ukraine Viktor Pynzenyk has called Tymoshenko's decisions "normally guided by 'adventurous populism'", which she saw as a tool to "consolidate power in her own hands" and believed Tymoshenko should have "taken advantage of the opportunity presented by the 2008–2009 Ukrainian financial crisis to reform".[496]

Yushchenko is being dishonest—which shouldn't surprise us—but he is also being self-serving when he says that Yanukovych and Tymoshenko "are cut from the same cloth." For one thing, even Tymoshenko's most ardent detractors realize that, if she were president, Ukraine would not be sliding toward a 20-year dictatorship. For another, if anyone is cut from the same cloth as Yanukovych, it's Viktor Yushchenko, who's shown a remarkable willingness to seek rapprochement with him and the Regionnaires since 2005. Yushchenko should be ashamed. Worse, Yushchenko should be on meds. A perfectly reasonable argument for EU engagement with Ukraine became, in the manner of all of Yushchenko's speeches in the last years of his presidency, a rant against Tymoshenko and thereby self-destructed. I had once suggested that Yushchenko probably couldn't forgive himself for being too weak to stand up to the powerful Tymoshenko. His feelings of impotence are obviously still going strong.

Yulia Yanukovych's Galleon and Yushchenko's Obsession, Alexander Motyl, The World Affairs Journal

Former ally and President of Ukraine Victor Yushchenko stated in November 2009 "I am sure that every week spent by Yulia Tymoshenko in the post of Prime Minister leads the country to a catastrophe. Because of Yulia Tymoshenko, it is a crisis, a crisis in everything".[492] Yushchenko has repeatedly accused his former ally turned rival Tymoshenko of acting in the interests of Russia, although she firmly denied the allegations.[11] On 31 May 2010 Yushchenko stated that Tymoshenko was his "worst mistake", "The most serious mistake was to give the power to her twice".[493] Expert in Ukrainian politics Dr. Taras Kuzio believes that he has always prioritized personal revenge against Tymoshenko over Ukraine's national interests.[494] In her turn, Tymoshenko has blamed President Viktor Yushchenko for obstructing the government-proposed anti-crisis measures and efforts to form a broad coalition to battle the crisis. "The president is using flashy words today to deprive the nation, first of all its government, of the opportunity to counter the crisis, and to leave the nation without a government it logically needs" she said. "Viktor Yushchenko has no right to any criticism. He is the incumbent president. He only has the right to work and to serve Ukraine. He will have the right to criticize when he joins the opposition. Now he must work and answer for his moves".[495]

Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin has stated (in November 2009) he found it comfortable to work with his (then) Ukrainian counterpart Yulia Tymoshenko and also praised her for strengthening Ukrainian sovereignty and building stable ties with Moscow[155] and called the second Tymoshenko Government "efficient and a force for stability".[156] It has been suggested by Reuters that the Russian government, after seeing her opposition to Viktor Yushchenko, supported her since late 2008, although Putin denied it.[437]

Tymoshenko has been ranked three times by Forbes magazine among the most powerful women in the world. During her first term, in 2005 she was ranked third (behind Condoleezza Rice and Wu Yi),[38] in 2008 she was number 17[487] and in 2009 at number 47.[488] According to the Ukrainian magazine Focus Lady Yu was placed first in annual ranking of the most influential women in Ukraine in 2006–2010 (five years).[489][490] During the Orange Revolution some Western media publications dubbed her the "Joan of Arc of the Revolution".[115] In December 2011 Tymoshenko's party BYuT-Batkivschyna nominated her for the Nobel Peace Prize.[491]

During her second stint as Prime-Minister her ratings in opinion polls fell. In early 2008 in opinion polls for the [486]

When Tymoshenko joined the Yushchenko government she did not speak Ukrainian.[416] According to fellow Ukrainian politician Borys Tarasyuk in 2002 Tymoshenko "only spoke Russian even when I spoke to her in Ukrainian", but since then she has made the transition to speaking only Ukrainian.[416][480][481]

Her transition from oligarch to reformer was believed by many voters to be both genuine and effective.[80][128][477] Discrepancies between her declared income and her seemingly luxurious lifestyle (mostly because of her designer outfits) have been pointed out in the Ukrainian tabloids.[471][478][479]

Tymoshenko's critics have suggested that, as an oligarch, she gained her fortune improperly. Some have speculated that her familiarity with the illegal conduct of business common in Ukraine uniquely qualifies her to combat corruption—if she is willing to do so. Her former business partner, former Ukrainian Prime Minister Pavlo Lazarenko, was convicted in the United States on charges of money laundering, corruption and fraud, the magnitude of which was in the billions of dollars.[475] However, Judge Martin Jenkins of the US District Court for the Northern District of California on 7 May 2004 dismissed the allegations of Tymoshenko's involvement in Lazarenko's murky business.[476]

Tymoshenko is a voluble public performer.[474] Her fiery rhetoric made her an icon of the Orange Revolution.[11]

Tymoshenko without her trademark hair braids

Cultural and political image

In her spare time, before she was imprisoned, Tymoshenko ran on a treadmill for exercise and listened to the music of Andrea Bocelli, Sarah Brightman, Anna Netrebko and Alessandro Safina.[473] Ukrayinska Pravda and Лівий берег is her favourite news source.[473] Tymoshenko has stated she has watched the Tunisian Revolution and Egyptian Revolution of 2011 "with joy and admiration".[307]

Tymoshenko and her husband rent a house in Kiev and own an apartment in Dnipropetrovsk. Houses in Dnipropetrovsk belong to their relatives.[467][468][469] Tymoshenko has declared she never used and will never use or move into a state-owned summer house,[468][469] in contrast with all former-Presidents and many high-ranking officials of Ukraine, who are living in state-owned dachas in Koncha-Zaspa.[470] According to Ukrainian media Tymoshenko lives in an estate in Koncha-Zaspa, "rented from a friend".[471] In March 2014 Tymoshenko opened the door of her house to public activists and guided them around.[472]

Personal life

In 1979 Yulia married businessman Oleksandr Tymoshenko[464] (born 11 June 1960). The couple have a daughter – Yevhenia (Eugenia) Tymoshenko[465][466] (born 20 February 1980) – a graduate of the London School of Economics (Bsc "Government", Msc "Russian and Post-Soviet Studies").

Tymoshenko has said that, like most Soviet citizens, she spoke only Russian in her childhood (although she studied the Ukrainian language and Ukrainian literature at school for 10 years, as did all schoolchildren in Soviet Ukraine).[224][416] In January 2010 Tymoshenko stated that in Dnipropetrovsk she did not have to speak Ukrainian until she was 36 (i.e. before 1996).[463] According to Tymoshenko her braids are a family tradition.[416]

About her ethnicity, Yulia Tymoshenko herself has said: "On my father's side – everyone is Latvian for ten generations, and on my mother's side – everyone is Ukrainian for ten generations."[459] Tymoshenko's parents were both born in Ukraine and are, therefore, Ukrainian as defined by the Law on Citizenship of Ukraine and by the Ukrainian Constitution.[460][461][462]

Ukrainian media have published speculation regarding the genealogy of Tymoshenko. Some of the hypotheses have no scientific evidence (for example, the hypothesis of the Armenian origin of the surname "Grigyan"); [451] some of the hypotheses (concerning her Jewish roots) have been labelled as provocative,[452][453][454][455] or could be designed to create negative PR,[456][457] although her Minister of Communications had in 2005 described her origins as half-Jewish, half-Armenian.[458]

Yulia Tymoshenko's mother, Lyudmila Mykolayivna Telehina (born Nelepova), was born on 11 August 1937 in Dnipropetrovsk.[43] Her father, Volodymyr Abramovych Hrihyan, was born on 3 December 1937, also in Dnipropetrovsk. His Soviet passport gave his nationality as Latvian.[43] His mother was Maria Yosypivna Hrihyan, born in 1909.[43]

Family and personal life

In November 2009, Tymoshenko called Ukraine "an absolutely ungovernable country" due to the changes to the Constitution of Ukraine as a part of a political compromise between the acting authorities (former-President Kuchma) and opposition during the Orange Revolution.[447] (Tymoshenko has characterised those reforms as "incomplete",[448] and the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc voted against them in December 2004).[449] In January 2010 Tymoshenko called for urgent amendments to the Constitution via the majority of the Verkhovna Rada after a survey or plebiscite is conducted.[450] In April 2011, she still believed the constitution "didn't work".[446]

Tymoshenko is for the cancellation of Verkhovna Rada deputies' immunity from prosecution.[440] For Ukraine, Tymoshenko prefers the proportional representation voting system with open lists.[441] Tymoshenko wants to reform the forming of state executive bodies,[442] and favours giving parliamentary opposition "real instruments of influence on the authorities". She also wants Ukrainian court system reforms[443] and wants devolution of executive power to local authorities.[443][444][445] Together with representatives of regional governments, Tymoshenko expanded a Law that aimed to empower local authorities. In the summer of 2009, she claimed she tried to bring together different political parties in order to amend the constitution and switch to a parliamentary form of government.[446] In February 2011, Tymoshenko stated "Viktor Yanukovych's naked attempt to hijack the election that precipitated the Orange Revolution should have resulted in him being banned from running in future elections."[307]

Tymoshenko believes Ukraine can gain energy security and independence, and she wants to speed up exploration and extraction of oil and natural gas from the Black Sea shelf.[438] Considering Nuclear power provides almost 50% of the electricity supply in Ukraine, Tymoshenko's government agreed to cooperate with the company Westin to establish factory production of nuclear fuel in Ukraine, independent of Russia. She also suggested a 10-year tax break for enterprises that would develop alternative energy sources in Ukraine.

Tymoshenko wants to raise the general level of social standards by equalizing salaries in the industrial and social spheres,[434] and pledged in November 2009 to revamp Ukraine's hospitals and health system within two years.[435] She also pledged tax breaks for farmers.[436] Other economic policies included compensation for depositors who lost Soviet-era savings, price controls on food and medicines to bring inflation down, and calls for a review of murky privatisations and high social spending.[437] Tymoshenko wants to cut the number of taxes by a third to simplify the system, and wants to cut the Value Added Tax (VAT) and offer tax breaks to importers of new technologies to poor regions to boost investment there.[438] In December 2009 the second Tymoshenko Government proposed creating independent anti-corruption bureaus in Ukraine.[439]

The first Tymoshenko Government was in favor of transparent and honest re-privatization of 3,000 enterprises,[428] as with the case of the Kyvorizhstal steel mill.[429] Tymoshenko believes that Ukraine's economy is excessively monopolized.[128][430] Tymoshenko is against privatization of the gas transportation system in Ukraine.[431] Tymoshenko lists the salvation of the economy of Ukraine during the 2008–09 Ukrainian financial crisis as one of her achievements.[432] The second Tymoshenko Government has spent 1.6 billion hryvnya on modernizing the coal mining industry.[433]

Tymoshenko wrote an article called "Containing Russia" that was published in the May–June 2007 edition of the journal Foreign Affairs.[422][423] In the article she criticized Russian expansionism. Consequently, the article irked Russia and more than a week after the article was published, Russia responded by calling it an "anti-Russian manifesto" and "an attempt to once again draw dividing lines in Europe."[424][nb 11]

Tymoshenko opposes the introduction of Russian as a second official state language.[224][417][418] But on 7 April 2014 she stated she supported the 2012 language law (which is aimed at giving Russian and other minority languages (if in a region the percentage of a national minority exceeded 10%) the status of regional language).[419][420][421] About her own attitude toward the Ukrainian language, Tymoshenko has stated that "today I am thinking in Ukrainian... and the fact that I know Russian very well, I think it is not a secret for you... you all know that I was brought up in the Russian speaking region in Dnipropetrovsk, to my mind, I spared no effort to speak Ukrainian as soon as possible as I came in the Government."[224][416][417]

Tymoshenko regards Ukraine as a "unitary and indivisible state". Tymoshenko considers separatist attitudes in Ukraine unacceptable: "Love one another, from Donetsk, Crimea, Luhansk, Dnipropetrovsk, Kharkiv, Lviv, Ternopil, Ivano-Frankivsk, Kyiv and all the other corners of our native land."[415] According to Tymoshenko, citizens in Russian-speaking Dnipropetrovsk already understood Ukrainian in Soviet times and that problems surrounding the Russian language in Ukraine were "exaggerated and don't exist".[224][416]

Tymoshenko supports Ukraine joining NATO,[408] stating it would be "uncomfortable" for Ukraine to remain "in a void, outside all existing security systems".[406] But, according to Tymoshenko, the question of Ukraine joining any system of collective security would "be resolved only by referendum."[409] Tymoshenko favours close relations with the EU, including the creation of a free trade area between Ukraine and the EU[410] and later a full membership.[411] According to Tymoshenko, "The European project has not been completed as yet. It has not been completed because there is no full-fledged participation of Ukraine."[412] She opposes foreign intervention in internal Ukrainian affairs: "Ukraine's realization of its sovereign rights, forming a modern political nation, cannot be considered as a policy aimed against anyone."[413] Tymoshenko does not want to expand the lease contract of the Russian Black Sea fleet in Ukraine because, "The Constitution of Ukraine quite clearly stipulates that foreign military bases cannot be deployed in Ukraine, and this constitutional clause is the fundamental basis of the state's security."[414] She also believes in "building a genuine civil society" as the best way to help democracy.[307][308]

Tymoshenko wants her country to become a member of the EU, while also expressing concern about antagonizing Russia.[406][407] "I try to defend our interests so that we can find a balance in our relations both with the EU and Russia".[406]

Political views

On 21 April 2015 Yulia Tymoshenko initiated a working group to check the validity of utility tariffs[405]

On 5 March 2015 Parliament supported a bill to support the volunteer movement in Ukraine[404]

On 11 December 2014, Rada supports Yulia Tymoshenko's initiative on freeing Nadiya Savchenko.[401] On 5 March 2015, Parliament supported a bill to support the volunteer movement in Ukraine.[402] On 21 April, Yulia Tymoshenko initiated a working group to check the validity of utility tariffs.[403]

Parliamentary activity, 2014–2015

On 30 August 2014 Tymoshenko announced the start of preparations for the NATO accession referendum.[398] In the 2014 parliamentary election "Fatherland" received 5.68% of the vote and 19 seats in parliament.[15] In the elections Tymoshenko was placed second on the parties electoral list, after Nadiya Savchenko.[399] After the election Tymoshenko again became faction leader.[16] She is a member of the Committee of the Verkhovna Rada on issues of European integration in the 8th convocation of parliament.[400]

In a recording (purportedly a leaked phone conversation with Nestor Shufrych, former deputy secretary of the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine) Tymoshenko appeared to say in reference to the reunification of Crimea with Russia: "This is really beyond all boundaries. It's about time we grab our guns and go kill those damn Russians together with their leader; and nuke 8 million Russians who are now exiles in Ukraine."[395][396] In a statement, while admitting she had spoken to Shufrych on the telephone, Tymoshenko denied having advocated the use of nuclear bombs against ethnic Russians in Ukraine, and avowed that the recording had been deliberately edited to discredit her.[397]

On 27 March 2014, at a press conference in Kiev, Tymoshenko stated that she would run in the 2014 presidential election.[392] Two days later the congress of Batkivshchyna party officially nominated her and on 31 March the Central Election Commission officially registered her as a candidate. The election took place on 25 May. Tymoshenko came a distant second behind Petro Poroshenko. She received 12.39% of the vote.[19][393][394]

2014 presidential election percentage of vote for Tymoshenko

Upon her return to Kyiv, Tymoshenko gathered military and defense experts and suggested launching a special headquarters that would elaborate responses to threats coming from Russia.

From 6 to 7 March Tymoshenko attended a political conference of the European People's Party in Dublin, where she openly discussed events with Angela Merkel, Jose Manuel Barroso, Viviane Reding, Michel Barnier, Mariano Rajoy and Donald Tusk, amongst other notable figures.[390] On 7 March 2014, she was admitted to the Charité hospital in Berlin, Germany, for treatment of her severe back problems.[391]

Immediately after her release from prison on 22 February 2014, Yulia Tymoshenko travelled to Kyiv, where she attended a makeshift memorial to the first slain protesters on Hrushevskogo Street and gave a speech on Maidan stage.[388] In the following days she had a number of meetings and phone conversations with USA, EU, and OSCE officials. Tymoshenko addressed the European Union, leaders of western democracies and of countries which guaranteed Ukraine's territorial unity according the Budapest Memorandum; she called for action to stop what she have called the "russian aggression".[389]

Political activities after release

On 22 January 2015 the European court of human rights announced the termination of consideration of the case of Yulia Tymoshenko V. Ukraine in connection with the admission of the Ukrainian Government of political persecution and human rights violations.The ECHR published full text of the decision in which the Court noted the admission by the Government of Ukraine that the prosecution of Yulia Tymoshenko was politically motivated and a violation of the rights guaranteed by articles 3 (prohibition of torture), 6 (right to a fair trial), 7 (no punishment without law), 8 (right to respect for private and family life) and article 13 (right to an effective remedy) in conjunction with article 8 (right to respect for private and family life) Convention for the protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms, article 18 (political motivation) in conjunction with articles 6 (right to a fair trial), 8 (right to respect for private and family life), 10 (freedom of expression ) of the Convention and article 4 (right not to be tried or punished twice) of Protocol No. 7 to the Convention.[385][386][387]

On 24 June 2014 the Supreme Court of Ukraine rehabilitated Tymoshenko.[384]

On 25 April 2014 the General Prosecutor of Ukraine launched a pre-trial investigation against a number of officials from its own office and the Pechersky district court and Kiev's court of appeals (the judges who had sentenced Tymoshenko) because of allegedly "deliberate, systematic and flagrant violation of accused Yulia Tymoshenko's rights to defense, which are granted by Ukraine's current laws".[382]

Kyivsky District Court of Kharkiv closed the criminal case on financial abuse of the United Energy Systems of Ukraine on 28 February 2014.[381] And on 14 April the Supreme Court of Ukraine closed the "gas case" against Tymoshenko for "absence of a criminal act".[382][383]

On 28 February 2014 the parliament rehabilitated Yulia Tymoshenko and restored her rights. That enabled her to run for office; however, she has ruled out becoming prime minister again.[380]

On the same day, Tymoshenko was released from Central Clinical Hospital No. 5 in Kharkiv, where she had been receiving treatment under police guard since May 2012, after being diagnosed with a spinal disc herniation.[378][350][351] Her release was praised by western leaders.[379]

Following the 2014 Ukrainian Revolution, on 21 February 2014, Parliament voted for her release in a 310–54 veto-proof vote.[33] To do so, the members of parliament decriminalized the Article on which Tymoshenko was charged and brought it into compliance with Article 19 of the UN Convention against corruption. That could enable immediate release of Tymoshenko through the corresponding court ruling. Yet Viktor Yanukovych fled the country after massive violent clashes in Kiev that killed more than 80 people.[31][33][376] without signing the bill into law. On 22 February 2014 the Verkhovna Rada with 322 votes adopted a decree based on the decision of the European Court of Human Rights and corresponding decision of the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe.[377]

Tymoshenko addressing Euromaidan with a speech, Kiev, 22 February 2014

2014 release from prison

In December 2012 the united opposition nominated her and later in June 2013 confirmed her as its candidate in the 2015 Ukrainian presidential election.[354]

On 2 October 2013 the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) adopted a resolution calling for the immediate release of Yulia Tymoshenko and, two days later, Pat Cox and Aleksander Kwasniewski, representatives of the European Parliament mission, handed president Yanukovych a petition to pardon Tymoshenko.[374][375]

The United States Senate passed two resolutions calling for the release from prison of former prime minister Tymoshenko. The most recent, presented in the Senate in June 2013, called for Tymoshenko's release in light of the recent European Court of Human Rights ruling, and was adopted on 18 November 2013.[370][371][372] An earlier resolution, passed in 2012, condemned the politically motivated prosecution and imprisonment of former Prime Minister of Ukraine Yulia Tymoshenko.[373]

Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) has adopting a resolution on "Keeping political and criminal responsibility separate" in which former Prime Minister of Ukraine Yulia Tymoshenko is recognized as a political prisoner.[369]

On 30 April 2013 the European Court of Human Rights issued a judgment[368] asserting that "Ms. Tymoshenko's pre-trial detention had been arbitrary; that the lawfulness of her detention had not been properly reviewed; and, that she had no possibility to seek compensation for her unlawful deprivation of liberty."

The European Union shelved the European Union Association Agreement and Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement with Ukraine over the issue.[28][29]

In June 2012, the European Parliament established a special monitoring mission to Ukraine, conducted by former European Parliament President Pat Cox and former Polish President Aleksander Kwasniewski. Both politicians have observed trials, repeatedly visited Tymoshenko in custody and conducted meetings with Ukraine's authorities regarding her release.

The "gas case" trial was viewed by many European and American organizations as a politically charged persecution that violates the law.[22][366] The [25] The European Union has shelved the European Union Association Agreement and Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement with Ukraine over the issue.[27][28][29] The EU has repeatedly called for release of Yulia Tymoshenko as a primary condition for signing the EU Association Agreement.[nb 10][367]

International reactions

The European Union, PACE, and governments of the United States, Great Britain and Canada expressed frustration with the cassation ruling.[365] "We are deeply disappointed with the consequences of the current situation, when two important opposition leaders cannot stand in the upcoming parliamentary elections, [and] when the court disrespects international standards for fair and transparent processes", a representative of the European Commission, Michael Mann, said in Brussels on 29 August 2012.

Media, diplomats, members of parliament and members of an EU special monitoring mission, Pat Cox and Aleksander Kwasniewski, attended the court sessions. The ruling was announced on the day following public hearing of "Tymoshenko vs Ukraine" (regarding unlawful arrest of ex-prime minister and holding her in custody) case at the European Court of Human Rights.

On 26 January 2012 Yulia Tymoshenko's defense submitted a cassation appeal to the High Specialized Court for Civil and Criminal Cases regarding the "gas case" verdict.[363] On 16 August 2012, after a 7-month delay that impeded filing the case to the European Court of Human Rights, the panel of judges of the aforementioned court began hearing the case. The panel finished hearing the case on 21 August and went to the jury room to make decision. The ruling of the Court, issued on 29 August 2012, stated that the appeal of ex prime minister Yulia Tymoshenko's defense on the "gas case" should not be satisfied.[364]


On 23 December 2011 the Kyiv Court of Appeal issued a ruling which fully supported the verdict of the Pechersk court. The judges didn't find any violations during the pre-trial investigation or trial on the "gas case", overruling the claims of Tymoshenko's defense.[362]

On 24 October 2011 Yulia Tymoshenko filed an appeal to the decision of Pechersk district court of Kyiv regarding the "gas case". On 1 December the Kyiv Court of Appeal started hearing the case. Tymoshenko herself was not present in the courtroom because of her health condition. After the hearing, the judge, Olena Sitaylo, had to call an ambulance and was hospitalized. On 13 December 2011 the Kyiv Court of Appeal resumed the hearing. All subsequent court sessions took place without Tymoshenko's presence. Immediately prior to the hearing of the appeal, the board of judges was altered: Sitaylo, the chief justice, was appointed the day before the first hearing; other justices were appointed several days prior to the court session. Thus, the judges did not have time to study the 84-page case log. The manner of the process proved that the decision to alter the board of judges was made beforehand. At the very end, Tymoshenko's defense boycotted the court session.


From 25 November to 6 December 2013 (during the Euromaidan protests), Tymoshenko was again on a hunger strike in protest of "President Yanukovych's reluctance to sign the DCFTA" on 6 December.[358][359][360][361]

On 18 January 2013, Tymoshenko was notified that she was a suspect in the murder of businessman and lawmaker Yevhen Shcherban, his wife and two other people in 1996.[356] In May 2013, the Shcherban murder case was suspended.[357]

Fatherland United Opposition nominated Tymoshenko as its candidate for the Ukrainian presidential elections of 2015 on 7 December 2012.[314] On 14 June 2013, the congress of her party approved the decision to nominate her as its candidate in the 2015 Ukrainian presidential election.[354][nb 9]

From 29 October to 16 November 2012, Tymoshenko was again on a hunger strike to protest vote rigging in the October 2012 Ukrainian parliamentary election.[28][353]

A trial concerning alleged misappropriating public funds of United Energy Systems of Ukraine started on 19 April 2012, in Kharkiv.[95][347] Tymoshenko refused to attend the trial, citing problems with her health.[347] Tymoshenko was then moved against her will from Kachanivska prison to a hospital where she began a hunger strike on 20 April to protest – according to her lawyer Serhiy Vlasenko – "what is happening in the country and what is happening to her in prison."[348] She ended the hunger strike on 9 May 2012.[349] Since 9 May 2012, she has been receiving treatment at the hospital after being diagnosed with a spinal disc herniation.[350][351] The Supreme Court of Ukraine upheld the verdict against Tymoshenko on 29 August 2012.[352]

In early April 2012, the General Prosecutor's Office began examining the possible involvement of Tymoshenko and former Prime Minister Pavlo Lazarenko in the murder of Donetsk businessman Olexandr Momot in 1996.[346]

In early January 2012 Tymoshenko's husband Oleksandr Tymoshenko was granted asylum in the Czech Republic, which he had requested at the end of the previous year.[344][345]

On 30 December 2011, Tymoshenko was transferred to the Kachanivska penal colony in Kharkiv.[342][343]

On 23 December 2011, Tymoshenko lost her appeal against her sentence for abuse of power.[338][339] She and her lawyers had boycotted the appeal proceedings,[338] claiming that the "Judicial system and justice are totally non-existent in Ukraine today."[340] Tymoshenko has lodged a complaint against the verdict at the European Court of Human Rights, which was given priority treatment by the court.[341]

Tymoshenko was re-arrested (while in prison) on 8 December 2011, after a Ukrainian court ordered her indefinite arrest as part of the investigation of alleged tax evasion and theft of government funds (between 1996 and 2000) by United Energy Systems of Ukraine. Again the European Union showed concern over this.[333][334][335][336][337]

On 4 November 2011, the Ukrainian tax police resumed four criminal cases against Tymoshenko.[329] She was charged for these cases on 10 November 2011.[330][331][332]

A 2001 criminal case on state funds embezzlement and tax evasion charges against Tymoshenko was reopened in Ukraine on 24 October.[97]

On 11 October 2011 the court found Tymoshenko guilty of abuse of power and sentenced her to seven years in prison, banned her from seeking elected office for her period of imprisonment, and ordered her to pay the state $188 million.[325][326][327] She was convicted for exceeding her powers as Prime Minister by ordering Naftogaz to sign the gas deal with Russia in 2009.[327][327] Tymoshenko did appeal the sentence, which she compared to Stalin's Great Terror,[325][327] on 24 October 2011.[328]

Early in July 2011, the Ukrainian security service (SBU) opened a new criminal investigation into alleged non-delivery of goods by United Energy Systems of Ukraine (in 1996) to Russia for $405.5 million, the SBU maintains that Russia may claim this sum to the State budget of Ukraine (this criminal case was closed in Russia in December 2005 due to lapse of time).[95]

Tymoshenko's trial (she was charged in May 2011) for Transparency International, Freedom House, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch.[323] Following her conviction, Tymoshenko remained under criminal investigation for ten criminal acts;[313] Ukrainian prosecutors have claimed Tymoshenko committed even more criminal acts.[324]

Starting in May 2010 a number of criminal cases were brought against Tymoshenko.[311][312][313][314] On 24 June 2011 a trial started in the "gas case", concerning a contract signed in 2009 with Russian gas company Gazprom to supply natural gas to Ukraine. Tymoshenko was charged with abuse of power and embezzlement, as the court found the deal anti-economic for the country and abusive.

Tymoshenko and Chancellor Angela Merkel at a March 2011 European People's Party summit in Brussels; The General Prosecutor of Ukraine's Office lifted the travel ban imposed on Tymoshenko after she was officially invited to this event by U.S. Senator John McCain and European People's Party President Wilfried Martens[309][310]

2011 trial and imprisonment and other criminal cases against Tymoshenko

Throughout Yanukovych's presidency, Tymoshenko stayed very critical of his and the Azarov Government's performances and intentions which, among others, she accused of selling out to Russia and of being a "funeral of democracy."[303][304][305][306] Tymoshenko has accused "many of Ukraine's neighbours" of turning a blind eye to "Yanukovych's strangulation of Ukraine's democracy, some openly celebrate the supposed 'stability' that his regime has imposed."[307] She believes "Ukraine can return to a democratic path of development only with an active civil society and support from the international community."[308]

On 26 April 2011, Tymoshenko sued businessman Dmytro Firtash and Swiss-based RosUkrEnergo in a US District Court in Manhattan, accusing them of "defrauding Ukraine's citizenry by manipulating an arbitration court ruling" and "undermining the rule of law in Ukraine" in connection with a 2010 international arbitration court ruling in Stockholm that ordered Ukraine's state energy company Naftogaz to pay RosUkrEnergo 11 billion cubic meters (bcm) of natural gas to compensate for fuel it had "expropriated" plus 1.1 billion bcm as a penalty.[301][302]

[300][299] She was not arrested.[299] On 24 May 2011, prosecutors charged her in connection with this (third criminal) case.[298] This case was labelled "absurd" by Tymoshenko.[298][297] was opened on 10 April 2011.2009 Russia–Ukraine gas dispute during the abuse of power A third criminal case against Tymoshenko in connection with alleged [296][295] According to Tymoshenko, the charges were false and part of "Yanukovych's campaign to silence the opposition."[296][295] She was accused of using 1,000 medical vehicles for campaigning in the presidential elections of 2010.[296][295] New corruption charges against Tymoshenko were filed on 27 January 2011.[285] According to government officials, the criminal case against Tymoshenko was a legitimate attempt to uncover corruption by the previous administration.[294].Oleksandr Turchynov had stated that there were no political reasons for the interrogations of the opposition leaders Tymoshenko, Lutsenko and Viktor Pshonka Earlier that month, Ukraine's Prosecutor General [293] Tymoshenko dismissed the probe as "terror against the opposition by President Yanukovych."[292] issued a statement in which it "condemns the growth of aggressive, politically motivated pressure by the Ukrainian authorities on the opposition and its leader Yulia Tymoshenko."European People's Party That same day, the [291] the next day in protest against this.Verkhovna Rada Lawmakers of BYuT blocked the rostrum and presidium of the [290] in October 2010 on similar charges).Czech Republic with abuse of office in early December 2010, and former economy minister Bohdan Danylyshyn was detained in the Yuriy Lutsenko Filipchuk was the third minister from this government to face criminal charges since its fall in March 2010 (prosecutors charged former Interior Minister [290] On 15 December 2010, the General Prosecutor's Office instituted a criminal case against Tymoshenko, alleging that she misused funds received by Ukraine within the framework of the

Tymoshenko and Mikheil Saakashvili, September 2010

On 12 May 2010, Ukraine's prosecutor's office re-opened a 2004 criminal case against Tymoshenko regarding accusations that she had tried to bribe Supreme Court judges. The prosecutor's main investigation section said Tymoshenko had been called in on 12 May 2010, and formally told that the case, which had been prematurely closed by the Supreme Court of Ukraine in January 2005 without a proper investigation, had been re-opened. As she left the prosecutor's office on 12 May, Tymoshenko told journalists she had been summoned to see investigators again on 17 May, and she linked the move to Russian President Medvedev's visit to Ukraine on 17–18 May 2010.[280][281] Tymoshenko also claimed that she was told by "all the offices of the Prosecutor General's Office" that President Yanukovych had personally instructed the Prosecutor General's Office to find any grounds to prosecute her.[282] In a press conference on 12 May, President Yanukovych's representative in the Verkhovna Rada, Yury Miroshnychenko, dismissed Tymoshenko's statement about Yanukovych's personal interest in prosecuting her. "Yanukovych is against political repression for criticism of the regime," Miroshnychenko stated.[283]

If the Second Tymoshenko Government could not be preserved, Tymoshenko stated on 22 February 2010, she would go into Parliamentary opposition.[264] On 3 March 2010, the Ukrainian Parliament passed a motion of no confidence in the second Tymoshenko Government in which the cabinet was dismissed with 243 lawmakers voting in favour out of 450[13] (including seven lawmakers of Bloc Yulia Tymoshenko[267]). (Prime Minister Tymoshenko had demanded this vote herself on 1 March 2010.)[268] On 2 March 2010, the coalition had already lost the parliamentary majority.[269] Before the vote on 3 March, Prime Minister Tymoshenko again stated, "If the dismissal of the government is passed today, at that very same moment our government will leave the cabinet. Our political force will cross into the opposition."[270][271] Tymoshenko blamed the Lytvyn Bloc and "Our Ukraine, including the leader of Our Ukraine, who announced the position of the faction" for the fall of the cabinet.[269] Tymoshenko resigned from the Prime Minister post on 4 March 2010.[14] Fellow BYuT member Oleksandr Turchynov was empowered to fulfill the Prime Minister's duties until a new government was formed on 4 March 2010.[272] On 9[273] and 15 March,[274] 2010, Tymoshenko called on "all of the national patriotic forces" to unite against Yanukovych. On 10 March 2010, Viktor Yushchenko warned that her leadership of that opposition would end in disaster, saying, "Every political force that united with Tymoshenko ended badly."[275] On 16 March, a shadow government including BYuT was established.[276] On 10 May 2010, the People's Committee to Protect Ukraine was established, of which Tymoshenko is one of the representatives.[277][278] Tymoshenko was against the 2010 Ukrainian-Russian Naval Base for Natural Gas treaty, as she believes the agreement harms Ukraine's national interests.[279]

Tymoshenko meeting US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton (Kiev 2 July 2010)

During a nationally televised address on 22 February, Tymoshenko said of President-elect of Ukraine Viktor Yanukovych and "Yanukovych's team" (she referred to them in the speech as "The oligarchy"): "They need cheap labour, poor and disenfranchised people who can be forced to work at their factories for peanuts, they also need Ukraine's riches, which they have been stealing for the last 18 years." During the speech she also accused outgoing President Viktor Yushchenko of "opening the door to massive and flagrant election rigging" days before 7 February runoff of the January 2010 presidential election by amending the election law.[264][265] During a Cabinet of Ministers meeting on 24 February, Tymoshenko stated, "The moment of truth has arrived: The decision whether or not to side with Yanukovych will show who values the preservation of Ukraine's independence and self-identity and who does not."[265] Tymoshenko and her party, Bloc Yulia Tymoshenko, boycotted the inauguration ceremony of President Yanukovych on 25 February 2010.[266]

The falsifications decided the elections, not you. Like millions of Ukrainians, I assert that Yanukovych is not our president.

PM Tymoshenko televised speech (22 February 2010)[264]

In opposition after 2010 presidential election

On 22 February 2010 Tymoshenko announced in a televised speech that she believed the presidential election to have been rigged and did not recognize its results. "As well as millions of Ukrainians, I state: Yanukovych is not our president", she said. She called on the democratic parliamentary factions to not seek "political employment" at the Party of Regions (meaning to avoid negotiations with the Party of Regions regarding the new coalition) and to "quit arguing and create a united team that would not let an anti-Ukrainian dictatorship usurp the power".

On 17 February 2010 the Higher Administrative Court of Ukraine suspended the results of the election on Tymoshenko's appeal.[258] The court suspended the Central Election Commission of Ukraine ruling that announced that Viktor Yanukovych won the election.[259][260] Tymoshenko withdrew her appeal on 20 February 2010, after the Higher Administrative Court in Kiev rejected her petition to scrutinize documents from election districts in Crimea and to question election and law-enforcement officials.[261] According to Tymoshenko, "It became clear that the court is not out to establish the truth, and, unfortunately, the court is as biased as the Central Election Commission, which includes a political majority from Yanukovych."[262] Tymoshenko also stated, "At the very least there was rigging of votes using the main methods of falsification, and I think that for history this lawsuit with all the documentation will remain in the Higher Administrative Court of Ukraine, and sooner or later, an honest prosecutor's office and an honest court will assess that Yanukovych wasn't elected President of Ukraine, and that the will of the people had been rigged."[262][263]

On 10 February 2010, Yanukovych called on Tymoshenko to abandon her protests and resign as Prime Minister.[251] Yanukovych stated he wanted to form a new coalition, and may try to call snap parliamentary elections.[255] On 12 February, Yanukovych stated he would not rule out talks with Tymoshenko if she would publicly apologize to him for accusations she made during her election campaign.[256] Tymoshenko's government did not want to resign voluntarily.[257]

Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc members immediately claimed that there was systematic and large-scale vote rigging in the run-off election.[247][248][249] However, Tymoshenko herself did not issue a statement about the election[250][251] until a live televised broadcast on 13 February 2010, in which she said that she would challenge the election result in court. Tymoshenko alleged widespread fraud[252] (according to Tymoshenko, a million votes were invalid) and said Yanukovych was not legitimately elected. "Whatever happens in future, he will never become the legitimately elected President of Ukraine." Tymoshenko did not call people into the streets to protest, and stated that she "won't tolerate civil confrontation."[253][254][255]

Tymoshenko did not receive endorsement from other candidates who had not survived the first round of voting.[246] In the run-off held on 7 February 2010,[209][210] Yanukovych was elected President of Ukraine. According to the Central Election Commission, he received 48.95% of the votes; Tymoshenko received 45.47% of the votes.[211] Yulia Tymoshenko won 17 of 27 constituencies in the western, central and north regions of Ukraine and in Kyiv.

Despite these requests, president Yushchenko signed the amended Law. This action generated vast international criticism from the Council of Europe and from members of the US congress' Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe.[243][244] The Committee of Voters of Ukraine stated that the amendments to the Law on Election of President "contained the biggest threats for democratic mode of the run-off."[245]

On 3 February 2010, two days before the run-off, the deputies from Party of Regions, Communist Party of Ukraine, "Our Ukraine – People's Self-Defense" bloc and independent MPs amended the Law on Election of President, which changed the mode of composition and functioning of election commissions. BYuT warned that these amendments would create opportunities for the massive rigging of elections. Yulia Tymoshenko called on president Yushchenko to veto the law. Hanne Severinsen, former rapporteur of PACE Monitoring Committee on Ukraine, also called on the president to veto the law. Severinsen's statement read: “"Unfortunately, the Party of Regions, as in 2004, is trying to create conditions for vote fraud.”[242]

In the first round of the presidential election on 17 January 2010, Tymoshenko took second place with 25% of the vote, and Yanukovych took first place with 35%. The two proceeded to a runoff.

Yulia Tymoshenko (Second round) – percentage of total national vote (45%)
Yulia Tymoshenko (First round) – percentage of total national vote (25%)

On 1 December 2009, Tymoshenko urged "national democratic forces" to unite around the candidate who garnered the largest number of votes after the first round of the presidential elections. "If we are not able to strengthen our efforts and unite the whole national-patriotic and democratic camp of Ukraine... we will be much weaker than those who want revenge."[240] On 5 December 2009, she declared she would go into opposition if she lost the presidential election. She also complained of flaws in the election legislation, and expressed her certainty that attempts were being made by her opponents to carry out vote rigging.[241]

Tymoshenko expected early parliamentary elections after the 2010 presidential election if Yanukovych won the vote, but she was against this.[239]

Tymoshenko's campaign was expected to have cost $100 to $150 million.[238]

As soon as the match between Ukraine and Greece, when our team lost the trip to South Africa. Why? Because two "lucky" politicians came to the deciding match and transferred their lucky aura to the entire Ukrainian team.

Yulia Tymoshenko's personal blog (7 December 2009)[237]

The Tymoshenko candidacy was also endorsed by prominent Ukrainian politicians such as Borys Tarasyuk, Yuriy Lutsenko, former President Leonid Kravchuk,[232] the Christian Democratic Union,[233] the European Party of Ukraine[234] and others.[235] Analysts suggested that Tymoshenko was the Russian Government's preferred candidate in the election. On 3 December 2009, Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin denied this. Putin stated that he was cooperating with Tymoshenko as Prime Minister of Ukraine, but that he was not supporting her in the election.[236]

On 24 October 2009 the delegates of all-Ukrainian union "Batkivshchyna" formally and unanimously endorsed Yulia Tymoshenko as their candidate for the next Presidential election.[230][231] The 200 thousand congress took place on Kyiv's Independence Square. On 31 October 2009 the Central Election Commission registered Tymoshenko as a candidate for presidential election in 2010.

Having long being considered a possible candidate for President of Ukraine in the 2010 election,[222][223] Tymoshenko announced that she would indeed compete in the upcoming presidential election in a statement broadcast live on national TV on 7 June 2009.[208][224] Tymoshenko also stated that if she lost the presidential election she would not challenge the results.[225][226] On 12 September 2009, a tour in support of Tymoshenko's candidacy, called "With Ukraine in Heart", began on Kiev's Maidan Nezalezhnosti. Popular Ukrainian singers and bands took part in the tour.[227][228][229]

"This is a competition during economic crisis; [some people] prefer to collect political benefits from these problems instead of solving them together", Tymoshenko said in an interview with German newspaper Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung in February 2009. Later, in an interview with the French paper Le Monde, the prime minister said that "the president treats her as a rival striving for president's office." She also added that the previously mentioned political instability fuels economic crisis. Tymoshenko then called for an early presidential election.

In 2009, the relations between Tymoshenko and President Yushchenko,[213][214][215][216] the Secretariat of the President of Ukraine[217] and the oppositional Party of Regions remained hostile.[218] According to Tymoshenko, her conflict with the President was a political competition and not ideological antagonism, and she emphasized early in February 2009 that the "election struggle for the next presidential elections has virtually begun."[219][220][221]

Leonid Kuchma had stated in conversation with United States Ambassador to Ukraine John F. Tefft, in a document dated 2 February 2010 uncovered during the United States diplomatic cables leak, called the voters choice between Yanukovych and Yulia Tymoshenko during the second round of the 2010 presidential election as a choice between "bad and very bad" and praised (the candidate eliminated in the first round of the election) Arseniy Yatsenyuk instead.[212]

Tymoshenko was a candidate in the Ukrainian presidential elections of 2010,[208] but lost that election to Viktor Yanukovych (Tymoshenko received 45.47% of the votes in the second and final round[209] of the election, 3% less than her rival[210][211]).

2010 Presidential election

Between 1 and 18 January, Central and Eastern European countries received significantly less gas. Ukrainian heat-and-power stations were working to utmost capacity. Due to sub-zero temperatures, the entire housing and public utilities sectors were on the verge of collapse. On 14 January the European Commission and the Czech presidency in the European Union demanded the immediate renewal of gas deliveries in full capacity lest the reputations of Russia and Ukraine as reliable EU partners be seriously damaged. On 18 January 2009, after five-day-long talks, prime ministers Putin and Tymoshenko came to agreement on the renewal of gas delivery to Ukraine and other EU countries. The parties agreed upon the following: A return to direct contract deals between "Gazprom" and "Naftogaz Ukrainy"; the removal of non-transparent intermediaries; the introduction of formula-based pricing for Ukraine (which also works for other Eastern European countries); and a switch to a $2.7 transit fee, which is close to the average price in Europe. According to the new gas contract, in 2009 Ukraine paid an average price of $232.98 per 1000 cubic meters,[206] while other European consumers were paying above $500 per 1000 cubic meters.[207]

On 1 January 2009, at 10 am, "Gazprom" completely stopped pumping gas to Ukraine.[205] On 4 January the Russian monopolist offered to sell Ukraine gas for $450 per 1000 cubic meter (minus a fee for gas transit through Ukraine), which was defined as a standard price for Eastern European countries. On 8 January 2009 the prime minister of Russia, Vladimir Putin, said that Ukraine would have to pay $470 for 1000 cubic meters of natural gas.

On 14 January 2009 prime minister Tymoshenko said, "The negotiations on $235 gas price and $1.7–1.8 transit price, that started on October 2 and successfully have been moving forward since, have been broken up because, unfortunately, Ukrainian politicians were trying to keep "RosUkrEnergo" in business as a shadow intermediary... The negotiations between the two prime ministers and later between "Gazprom" and "Naftogaz Ukrainy" were ruined by those Ukrainian political groups, who have gotten and are planning to get corrupt benefits from "RosUkrEnergo"." On 17 January 2009 president of Russia Dmitriy Medvedev said, "I think that our Ukrainian partners and us can trade gas without any intermediaries, especially without intermediaries with questionable reputation. The problem is that some participants of negotiations insisted on keeping the intermediary referring to the instructions from the top."[204]

"RosUkrEnergo", with the aid of its ties to Yushchenko's administration, managed to disrupt the signing of a gas contract scheduled for 31 December 2008. Oleksiy Miller, head of "Gazprom", stated that trader "RosUkrEnergo" broke down talks between "Gazprom" and "Naftogaz Ukrainy": "Yes indeed, in late December 2008, the prime ministers of Russia and Ukraine came to agreement, and our companies were ready to seal the deal for $235 per 1000 cubic meters of natural gas with the condition that all the export operations from Ukraine will be done bilaterally. RosUkrEnergo then suggested to buy gas at $285 price." On 31 December 2008 president Viktor Yushchenko gave Oleg Dubyna, head of "Naftogaz Ukrainy", a direct order to stop talks, not sign the agreement and recall the delegation from Moscow. The decision made by the president of Ukraine brought on the crisis.[202][203]

When Tymoshenko resumed her prime minister duties in 2007, she initiated direct relations between Ukraine and Russia with regard to gas trading. A 2 October 2008 Memorandum signed by Tymoshenko and Vladimir Putin stipulated liquidation of intermediaries in gas deals between the two countries and outlined detailed conditions for future gas contracts. The gas conflict of 2009 broke out because of two factors, the lack of a gas contract for 2009 and a $2.4 billion debt that Ukraine had yet to pay for gas received in 2008.[200] Prime Minister Tymoshenko stated that it was the "RosUkrEnergo" company that was responsible for the debt, rather than the state of Ukraine. She called for an end to corruption in the gas trade area and the establishment of direct contracts with the Russian Federation.[201]

The conditions leading to the 2009 gas dispute[197] were created back in 2006, under the Viktor Yushchenko government, when Ukraine started buying Russian gas through an intermediary, Swiss-registered RosUkrEnergo. (Fifty percent of RosUkrEnergo shares were owned by the Russian "Gazprom", with 45 percent and 5 percent owned by Ukrainian businessmen Dmytro Firtash and Ivan Fursin, respectively). Some sources indicate that notorious criminal boss Sergiy Shnaider (nick Semion Mogilevich, associated with Dmytro Firtash) also owned shares in the company.[198][199]

Gas dispute between Russia and Ukraine (2009)

Tymoshenko's government launched an anti corruption campaign and identified it as one of its priorities. [nb 7]

A large part of Tymoshenko's second term as prime minister coincided in time with the global financial crisis of 2008, which required her government to respond to numerous challenges that could have led the country's economic collapse.[nb 6]

On 5 February 2009 Tymoshenko's opponents in the parliament were trying to dismiss her government again, but again the vote failed.[194] The following day, president Yushchenko strongly criticized Tymoshenko and the economic policies of her government.[195] Tymoshenko accused him of spreading "a mix of untruths, panic and hysteria.".[195]

In early December 2008, there were negotiations between BYuT and Party of Regions to form a coalition,[185] but after Volodymyr Lytvyn was elected Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada (parliament of Ukraine) on 9 December 2008, he announced the creation of a coalition between his Lytvyn Bloc, BYuT and OU-PSD.[186] After negotiations,[187][188] the three parties officially signed the coalition agreement on 16 December.[189] It was not known whether this coalition would stop the snap election,[190][191][192] although Speaker Volodymyr Lytvyn predicted the Verkhovna Rada would work until 2012.[193]

Tymoshenko was fiercely opposed to the snap election, stating "No politician would throw Ukraine into snap elections at this important time. But, if Yushchenko and Yanukovych – who are ideologists of snap elections – throw the country into snap elections, then they will bear responsibility for all the consequences of the global financial crisis on Ukraine".[177] Initially, the election was to be held on 7 December 2008,[178][179] but was later postponed to an unknown date.[180][181][182] Tymoshenko had no intention of resigning[183] until a new coalition was formed.[184]

Tymoshenko, Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin and Russian President Dmitry Medvedev meeting on 17 January 2009 during the Russia–Ukraine gas dispute

After Tymoshenko's BYuT voted alongside the Communist Party of Ukraine and the Party of Regions to pass legislation that would facilitate the procedure of impeachment for future presidents[172] and limit the President's power while increasing the Prime Minister's powers, President Yushchenko's OU-PSD bloc pulled out of the coalition and Yushchenko promised to veto the legislation[173][174] and threatened to hold an election if a new coalition was not formed soon. This resulted in the 2008 Ukrainian political crisis, which culminated in Yushchenko calling an early parliamentary election on 8 October 2008.[175][176]

President George W. Bush and Prime Minister of Ukraine Yulia Tymoshenko, Kiev, 1 April 2008

[171][170][169][168][167] According to

Tymoshenko on Russia-Georgia war

"We stand in solidarity with the democratically-elected leadership of Georgia. Georgia's sovereignty and territorial integrity must be respected

Yulia Tymoshenko's press briefing on 13 August 2008[166]

[165][164] The coalition of Tymoshenko's Bloc (BYuT) and Yushchenko's Our Ukraine–People's Self-Defense Bloc (OU-PSD) was put at risk due to deliberate misinterpretation of Tymoshenko's opinion on the ongoing

On 11 July 2008, Party of Regions tried to vote no-confidence to Tymoshenko's government in the parliament, but could not collect enough votes.[162]

Prime Minister 2007–2010, and 2008 political crisis

On 15 October 2007, the Our Ukraine–People's Self-Defense Bloc and the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc agreed to form a majority coalition in the new parliament of the 6th convocation.[160] On 29 November, a coalition was signed between the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc and Our Ukraine–People's Self-Defense Bloc, which was associated with President Yushchenko. Both parties are affiliated with the Orange Revolution. On 11 December 2007 the Coalition failed in its attempt to appoint Tymoshenko prime minister, falling one vote short (225 members of parliament supported her nomination). On 12 December 2007 the media reported on the possible attempted assassination of Yulia Tymoshenko. BYuT and Tymoshenko herself said it was an intimidation. On 18 December Tymoshenko was once again elected as Prime Minister (supported by 226 deputies, the minimal number needed for passage), heading the second Tymoshenko Government.[161]

Following balloting in the 2007 parliamentary elections held on 30 September 2007, Orange Revolution parties had won majority of 229 votes of BYUT fraction (30,71% of the votes (156 seats) and the Our Ukraine/People’s Self-defence faction.[157] On 3 October 2007, an almost final tally gave the alliance of Tymoshenko and President Yushchenko a slim lead over the rival party of Prime Minister Yanukovych, thanks in part to a vigorous BYuT campaign in the industrial east, a Party of Regions stronghold.[158] Although Yanukovych, whose party won the single biggest share of the vote, also claimed victory,[159] one of his coalition allies, the Socialist Party of Ukraine, failed to gain enough votes to retain seats in Parliament.

Yulia Timoshenko and Vladimir Putin (19 March 2005); in November 2009 Putin stated he found it comfortable to work with Tymoshenko and also praised her political choices.[155][156]

2007 parliamentary election

An early parliamentary election was held on 30 September 2007.

On 4 April 2007, president Yushchenko issued an edict "On early termination of duties of the Verkhovna Rada" as a reaction to violation of the Constitution by the Party of Regions, which had started dragging individual deputies into the "ruling coalition" (this being illegal, as coalitions should be formed by factions and not by individual deputies). In doing so, the Party of Regions was trying to achieve a constitutional majority of 300 votes which would enable prime minister Yanukovych to override the president's veto and control the legislative process. Party of Regions didn't obey this edict. In order to dismiss the Verkhovna Rada, Yulia Tymoshenko and her supporters in the parliament (168 deputies from BYuT and "Our Ukraine" factions) quit their parliamentary factions on 2 June 2007. That step invalidated the convocation of the Verkhovna Rada and cleared the path to an early election.

[nb 5] On 31 March 2007 Tymoshenko initiated a "100 thousand people Maidan" aimed to urge the president to call an early parliamentary election.[nb 4] In March 2007, Yulia Tymoshenko traveled to the United States, where she held high-level meetings with Vice President

Following the surprise nomination of Oleksandr Moroz from the Socialist Party of Ukraine as the Rada speaker and his subsequent election late on 6 July with the support of the Party of Regions, the "Orange coalition" collapsed. (Poroshenko had withdrawn his candidacy and had urged Moroz to do the same on 7 July.[139])[146][147] After the creation of a large coalition of majority composed of the Party of Regions, the Socialist Party of Ukraine and the Communist Party of Ukraine, Yanukovych became Prime Minister, and the other two parties were left in the wilderness.[148][149] On 3 August 2006, Tymoshenko refused to sign the "Universal of National Unity" declaration initiated by president Yushchenko. The document, signed by Yushchenko, Yanukovych and leaders of Socialist and Communist parties, sealed Yanukovych's appointment as prime minister. Tymoshenko called it "the act of betrayal". In September 2006, Tymoshenko announced that her political force would be in opposition to the new government.[150] Our Ukraine stalled until 4 October 2006, when it too joined the opposition.[151] On 12 January 2007 a BYuT vote in the parliament overrode the president's veto of the "On the Cabinet of Ministers" law that was advantageous for the president. (In exchange, BYuT voted for the "On Imperative Mandate" and "On Opposition" laws). This vote was one of many steps undertaken by BYuT to ruin a fragile alliance between president Yushchenko and prime minister Yanukovych.[nb 3][152]

After lengthy negotiations, SPU suddenly pulled out of the Coalition and joined the alliance with the Party of Regions and the Communist Party of Ukraine. Oleksandr Moroz assured that the team of Viktor Yushchenko was conducting secret negotiations with the Party of Regions. According to that deal, Viktor Yanukovych was supposed to become the speaker, while Yuriy Yekhanurov kept the prime minister portfolio. These negotiations were conducted by Yekhanurov himself upon Yushchenko's request. Later, Yekhanurov admitted this fact in his interview with the "Ukrainska Pravda" website.

Members from the Party of Regions blocked the parliament from Thursday, 29 June[144] through 6 July.[145]

The Party of Regions announced an ultimatum to the coalition demanding that parliamentary procedures be observed, asking that membership in parliamentary committees be allocated in proportion to seats held by each fraction, and demanding chairmanship in certain Parliamentary committees as well as Governorships in the administrative subdivisions won by the Party of Regions.[142][143] The Party of Regions complained that the coalition agreement deprived the Party of Regions and the communists of any representation in the executive and leadership in parliamentary committees, while in the local regional councils won by the Party of Regions the coalition parties were locked out of all committees as well.[142]

Tymoshenko's nomination and confirmation as the new Prime Minister was expected to be straightforward. However, the political intrigue that took place broke the plan. BYuT partners "Our Ukraine" and Socialist Party of Ukraine (SPU) could not come to agreement regarding distribution of powers, thus creation of the Coalition of Democratic Forces was put on hold. Yushchenko and oligarchs from his narrow circle were trying to impede Tymoshenko from returning to the office of prime minister. Her nomination was preconditioned on the election of her long-time rival Petro Poroshenko from "Our Ukraine" to the position of speaker of the parliament. Oleksandr Moroz, the chairman of the Socialist Party of Ukraine, also expressed his interest in becoming speaker. Tymoshenko stated that she would vote for any speaker from the coalition.[139] Within a few days of the signing of the coalition agreement, it became clear that the coalition members mistrusted each other,[139] since they considered it a deviation from parliamentary procedures to hold a simultaneous vote on Poroshenko as the speaker and Tymoshenko as Prime Minister.[140][141]

On Wednesday 21 June 2006, the Ukrainian media reported that the parties had finally reached a coalition agreement, which appeared to have ended nearly three months of political uncertainty.[137][138]

With the Bloc coming second in the election, and winning 129 seats, many speculated that she might form a coalition with Yushchenko's "Our Ukraine" party and the Socialist Party of Ukraine (SPU) to prevent the Party of Regions from gaining power.[135] Tymoshenko again reiterated her stance in regard to becoming Prime Minister.[135] However, negotiations with "Our Ukraine" and SPU faced many difficulties as the various blocs fought over posts and engaged in counter-negotiations with other groups.[136]

After her dismissal, Tymoshenko started to tour the country in a bid to win the 2006 Ukrainian parliamentary election as the leader of her Bloc.[nb 2] Tymoshenko soon announced that she wanted to return to the post of Prime Minister.[134] She managed to form a strong team that started a political fight on two fronts – with Viktor Yanukovych's and Viktor Yushchenko's camps.

Soon after Tymoshenko's discharge in September 2005, the General Prosecutor Office of the Russian Federation dismissed all charges against her. On 18 November 2005 the Supreme Court of Ukraine issued a ruling which invalidated all criminal cases against Yulia Tymoshenko and her family.

Opposition (2005–2007) and 2006 parliamentary election

Tymoshenko was succeeded as Prime Minister by Yuriy Yehanurov.[126]

The work of Yulia Tymoshenko as prime minister in 2005 was complicated due to internal conflicts in the "orange" team.[133] According to Tymoshenko, President Yushchenko and Petro Poroshenko were trying to turn the National Security and Defense Council into the "second Cabinet of Ministers".[133]

At the time, Tymoshenko saw a rapid growth of approval ratings, while president Yushchenko's approval ratings went down.[132] This tendency was later proved by the results of parliamentary elections in 2006, when for the first time ever BYuT outran "Our Ukraine" party, winning 129 seats vs. 81, respectively. During the previous parliamentary elections of 2002, BYuT had only 22 members of parliament, while "Our Ukraine" had 112.

Tymoshenko blamed Yushchenko's closest circle for scheming against her and undermining the activities of her Cabinet. She also criticised Yushchenko, telling the BBC that he had "practically ruined our unity, our future, the future of the country", without rooting out corruption as he pledged to do and that the president's action was absolutely illogical.[131]

Yet on 8 September, after the resignation of several senior officials, including the Head of the Security and Defense Council Petro Poroshenko[124] and Deputy Prime Minister Mykola Tomenko,[125] Yulia Tymoshenko's government was dismissed by President Viktor Yushchenko[125][126] during a live television address to the nation.[127] Yushchenko went on to criticize her work as head of the Cabinet, suggesting it had led to an economic slowdown and political conflicts within the ruling coalition.[128] He said that Tymoshenko was serving interests of some businesses, and the government decision to re-privatize the Nikopol Ferroalloy Plant (previously owned by Leonid Kuchma's son in law Viktor Pinchuk) "was the last drop" that made him dismiss the government.[129] On 13 September 2005 Yushchenko accused Tymoshenko of betrayal of "Orange Revolution" ideas. In his interview for the Associated Press, he said that during the time of her presidency at UESU, Tymoshenko accumulated an 8 million Hryvna debt, and that she had used her authority as prime minister to write off that debt. Tymoshenko has repeatedly stated that the mentioned amount was not a debt, but fines imposed by the Tax Inspection in 1997–1998, and that all the cases regarding UESU had been closed before she became prime minister.[130]

Several months into her government [nb 1], internal conflicts within the post‐Revolution coalition began to damage Tymoshenko's administration.[121][122][123] On 24 August 2005, Viktor Yushchenko gave an Independence Day speech during which he called Tymoshenko's government "the best".

On 28 July, Forbes named Tymoshenko the third most powerful woman in the world, behind only Condoleezza Rice and Wu Yi.[38] However, in the magazine's list published on 1 September 2006, Tymoshenko's name was not among the top 100.[120]

On 24 January 2005, Tymoshenko was appointed acting Prime Minister of Ukraine under Yushchenko's presidency. On 4 February Tymoshenko's premiership appointment was ratified by the parliament with an overwhelming majority of 373 votes (226 were required for approval).[52][117] The Tymoshenko cabinet did not have any other members of Tymoshenko's party besides Tymoshenko herself and Oleksandr Turchynov, who was appointed the chief of Security Service of Ukraine.[118][119] The ministers who were working with her took her side in the later confrontation with Viktor Yushchenko.

Yulia Tymoshenko in Parliament, 4 February 2005

First term as Prime Minister

During the protests, Tymoshenko's speeches on the Maidan kept the momentum of the street protests going.[113] Her popularity grew significantly to the point where the media began to refer to her as the Ukrainian or Slavic "Joan of Arc"[114][115] as well as "Queen of the Orange revolution"[116] in addition to her pre existing sobriquet from the 1990s decade as the "Gas Princess". Additional nicknames included "Goddess of the Revolution" and the "Princess Leia of Ukrainian politics".[115]

On 3 December 2004 the Supreme Court of Ukraine invalidated the results of the runoff and scheduled the re-run for 26 December 2004. After the cancellation of Viktor Yanukovych's official victory and the second round of the election, Viktor Yushchenko was elected President with 51.99% of votes (Yanukovych received 44.2% support).[112]

When allegations of fraud began to spread, the "orange team" decided to conduct a parallel vote tabulation during 21 November 2004 runoff and announce the results immediately to people on Independence Square (Maidan Nezalezhnosti) in Kyiv. Tymoshenko called Kyiv residents to gather on the square and asked people from other cities and towns to come and stand for their choice. "Bring warm clothes, lard and bread, garlic and onions and come to Kyiv" she said. On 22 November 2004 massive protests broke out in cities across Ukraine: The largest, in Kiev's Maidan Nezalezhnosti, attracted an estimated 500,000 participants.[111] These protests became known as the Orange Revolution. On 23 November 2004 Tymoshenko led the participants of the protest to the President's Administration. On Bankova Street, special riot police prevented the procession from going any further, so people lifted Tymoshenko up and she walked on the police's shields to the Administration building.

On 6 November 2004, Tymoshenko asked people to spread the orange symbols (orange was the color of Yushchenko's campaign). "Grab a piece of the cheapest orange cloth, make ribbons and put them everywhere" she said. "Don't wait until the campaign managers give those to you".

After the initial vote on 31 October, two candidates – Viktor Yanukovych and Viktor Yushchenko – proceeded to a runoff. As Tymoshenko earlier envisaged, Yushchenko received endorsement from former competitors who didn't make it to the runoff, such as Oleksandr Moroz (Socialist Party), Anatoliy Kinakh (Party of Industrials and Entrepreneurs), former Kyiv city mayor Oleksanrd Omelchenko and others.

In March 2004, Yulia Tymoshenko announced that leaders of "Our Ukraine", BYuT and Socialist Party of Ukraine were working on a coalition agreement concerning joint participation in the presidential campaign. Tymoshenko decided not to run for president and give way to Viktor Yushchenko. On 2 July 2004, Our Ukraine and the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc established the Force of the people, a coalition which aimed to stop "the destructive process that has, as a result of the incumbent authorities, become a characteristic for Ukraine." The pact included a promise by Viktor Yushchenko to nominate Tymoshenko as Prime Minister if Yushchenko should win the October 2004 presidential election. Tymoshenko was actively campaigning for Yushchenko, touring and taking part in rallies all over Ukraine. After Viktor Yushchenko had dropped out of the campaign due to his mysterious poisoning, Tymoshenko continued campaigning on his behalf.[110]

In late 2002, Tymoshenko, Oleksandr Moroz (Socialist Party of Ukraine), Petro Symonenko (Communist Party of Ukraine) and Viktor Yushchenko (Our Ukraine) issued a joint statement concerning "the beginning of a state revolution in Ukraine". In the 2004 Ukrainian presidential election, the communist party stepped out of the alliance, but the other parties remained allied and Symonenko was against a single candidate from the alliance[108] (until July 2006).[109]

In the Autumn of 2001, both Tymoshenko and Viktor Yushchenko attempted to create a broad opposition bloc against the incumbent President, Leonid Kuchma, in order to win the Ukrainian presidential election of 2004.[77]

Role in the Orange Revolution

In January 2002 Tymoshenko was involved in a mysterious car accident that she survived with minor injuries – an episode some believe to have been a government assassination attempt.[106] Her Mercedes, part of a two-vehicle convoy, collided with a Lada in Kiev. The driver of the other car suffered head injuries and police said initial investigations suggested that Tymoshenko's chauffeur had been at fault.[107]

On 11 August 2001, civilian and military prosecutors in Russia opened a new criminal case against Tymoshenko accusing her of bribery.[103] On 27 December 2005, Russian prosecutors dropped these charges. Russian prosecutors had suspended an arrest warrant when she was appointed Prime Minister, but reinstated it after she was fired in September 2005. The prosecutors suspended it again when she came to Moscow for questioning[104] on 25 September 2005.[105] Tymoshenko didn't travel to Russia during her first seven months as Prime Minister (the first Tymoshenko Government).[105]

Our government was doing almost an underground work under the rigorous pressure of president Kuchma and criminal-oligarchic groups. All anti-shadow and anti-corruption initiatives of the Cabinet of Ministers were being blocked, while the Government was being an object of blackmailing and different provocations. People were arrested only because their relatives were working for the Cabinet of Ministers and were carrying out real reforms that were murderous for the corrupted system of power.

Yulia Tymoshenko Nezavisimaya Gazeta interview (25 October 2001)[102]

Once the charges were dropped, Tymoshenko reassumed her place among the leaders of the grassroots impeach President Kuchma.[101]

Tymoshenko's husband, Oleksandr, spent two years (2002–2004) in hiding in order to avoid incarceration on charges the couple said were unfounded and politically motivated by the former Kuchma administration.[98][99][100]

The criminal case was closed in Ukraine in January 2005 due to lack of evidence, and in Russia in December 2005 by reason of lapse of time.[95] On 18 November 2005 the Supreme Court of Ukraine issued a ruling which invalidated all criminal cases against Yulia Tymoshenko and her family.[96]Despite this the case was reopened in Ukraine on 24 October 2011,[97] after Yanukovych came to power.

On 13 February 2001, Tymoshenko was arrested and charged with forging customs documents and smuggling gas in 1997 (while president of Lukyanivska Prison where she was held in custody.[92] In March 2001, Pechersk District Court (Kiev) found the charges groundless and cancelled the arrest sanction. According to Tymoshenko, the charges were fabricated by Kuchma's regime at the behest of oligarchs threatened by her efforts to eradicate corruption and institute market-based reforms. On 9 April 2003, the Kiev Court of Appeal issued a ruling that invalidated and cancelled proceedings on the criminal cases against Yulia and Oleksandr Tymoshenko. Despite Tymoshenko being cleared of the charges, Moscow maintained an arrest warrant for her should she enter Russia. In 2005, all charges were declared groundless and lifted.[93][94]

[90] On 9 February 2001, Tymoshenko founded the

Campaigns against Kuchma and 2002 election

On 18 August 2000 Oleksandr Tymoshenko, CEO of United Energy Systems of Ukraine (UESU) and Yulia Tymoshenko's husband, was detained and arrested. Tymoshenko herself stated that her husband's arrest was the result of political pressure on her.[87] On 19 January 2001 president Leonid Kuchma ordered Yulia Tymoshenko to be dismissed. Then prime minister Viktor Yushchenko silently accepted her dismissal, despite her achievements in the energy sector. Ukrainian media called it "the first betrayal of Viktor Yushchenko".[88] Soon after her dismissal, Tymoshenko took leadership of the National Salvation Committee and became active in the Ukraine without Kuchma protests.[89] The movement embraced a number of opposition parties, such as Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc, "Fatherland", Ukrainian Republican Party, Ukrainian Conservative Republican Party, "Sobor", Ukrainian Social-Democratic Party, Ukrainian Christian-Democratic Party and Patriotic Party.

[86] In 2000, Tymoshenko's government provided an additional 18 billion Hryvna for social payments. Half of this amount was collected due to withdrawal of funds from shadow schemes, the ban on barter payments and the introduction of competition rules to the energy market.[85] which excluded them from having their power disconnected. Her reforms meant that the government had sufficient funds to pay civil servants and increase salaries.[84]

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